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Private Correspondence between Flemish Strangers in England and their families and contacts in Flanders, 1566-1573

In 1852 the Ieper archivist I.L.A. Diegerick (1812-85) published in the Annales de la Société d’Émulation de Bruges a letter written in the autumn of 1567 from Norwich by a certain Petrus Faber (Pieter de Smedt) to his son Solomon Faber who still lived in Ieper.[1] While cataloguing the rich archive of early modern documents then in Ieper, Diegerick had found it in a bundle of private correspondence ‘for the most part torn, stuck down, well-worn and soiled’. [2]  The poignancy of this letter caught the attention of the Dutch Protestant minister and church historian H.Q. Janssen (1812-81) and led him to investigate further and in 1859 he published transcripts and summaries of another 59 letters in the town archives of Ieper.[3]  Four other letters were published separately two years later.[4]  In all the contents of 64 letters were made known.[5]  Though few of these 64 letters were transcribed in full, about one third was cited at length. For the rest Janssen contented himself with summaries, interspersed with occasional quotes.  Janssen’s unsystematic approach to editing might strike us today as unsatisfactory, but because the city archives of Ieper were destroyed as a result of enemy action in 1914, we owe a debt to these nineteenth century scholars for making this remarkable correspondence available to us. The core of this collection consisted of letters written by Calvinists who had lived in Ieper and had taken refuge in Norwich. Their involvement in the tumultuous events of 1566-67 exposed them to prosecution by Alba’s government after the summer of 1567. When in the late nineteenth-century J.W.C. Moens published the history and the registers of the Walloon Church in Norwich, he included a very brief synopsis of Janssen’s edition of the letters.[6] But as his summary does not to justice to wealth of material, I have thought it might be useful to provide as complete a translation of these letters as possible.[7]

Apparently these letters all fell into the clutches of the authorities in Ieper. Already in late July 1567, letters sent from Norwich were handed over to the magistrates by recipients, who were perhaps embarrassed to receive such compromising material or who now felt the need to parade their loyalty to government in Brussels.[8] Because most of these letters were written by Ieperlingen who had fled to England, the religious loyalties of the addressees and their acquaintances fell under suspicion. It would seem that these letters came to light when the houses of correspondents were searched though some at least, as we have noticed were surrendered, apparently voluntarily, by the recipients or their families. On many of the letters an official had written ‘videatur ‘, so they were examined to see whether they yielded evidence about other suspects.[9] Correspondents were aware of the dangers and advised that their letters be destroyed. A few letters – for example, those numbered here as 1, 4, and 61-64 – have no obvious links with Ieper and so we can only speculate as to why they fetched up in the archives there.

In attempting to identify the authors and their recipients, sundry sources on the religious upheavals in Flanders and especially Ieper in 1566-67, have been consulted. By far the most important – not least because these archives are no longer extant - is an edition of the local records relating to the Troubles by L.A. Diegerick, Archives d’Ypres. Documents du XVIe siècle ... concernant les troubles religieux (Bruges, 1874-77). The Belgian Protestant scholar A.L.E. Verheyden has produced a register of all those prosecuted in the aftermath of the disorders entitled Le Conseil des Troubles. Liste des condamnés (1567-1573), (Brussels, 1961). The fullest modern account and analysis of events in Ieper in this turbulent period is provided by the licentiaatsverhandeling of Beatrijs Camerlynck: De hervorming in de stad Ieper tussen 1520 en 1567 (Leuven University, 1970). [10] On the English side particular use has been made of the 1568 ‘census’ of aliens published by Walter Rye, ‘The Dutch Refugees in Norwich’, Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany 1885 III/I pp. 200-35.[11]

 

Abbreviations:

Backhouse: Marcel Backhouse, The Flemish and Walloon Communities at Sandwich during the                      Reign of Elizabeth I (1561-1603) (Ph.D. Southampton, 1991), 3 vols.

BCRH: Bulletin de la commission royale d’histoire

CT: A.L.E. Verheyden, Le Conseil des Troubles. Liste des condamnés (1567-1573) (Brussels, 1961).  CT followed by a number denotes the entry in Verheyden’s list. Some bear two numbers because the same person has been double-entered.

Camerlynck: Beatrijs Camerlynck De hervorming in de stad Ieper tussen 1520 en 1567 (Leuven  University, licentiaatsverhandeling 1970).                

Coussemaker: E. C.H. de Coussemaker (ed), Troubles religieux du XVIe siècle dans la Flandre Maritime 1560-1570 4 vols (Bruges, 1876).

Diegerick: I.L.A. Diegerick (ed.) Archives d’Ypres. Documents du XVIe siècle, concernant les troubles religieux, faisant suite à l’inventaire des chartes. Mémoire justicatif du magistrat d’Ypres 1566 et 1567 4 vols (Bruges, 1874-77).

Janssen: H.Q. Janssen 'De hervormde vlugtelingen van Yperen in Engeland. Geschetst naar hunne brieven. Een bijdrage tot de hervormingsgeschiedenis van Yperen en Norwich', Bijdragen tot de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis inzonderheid van Zeeuwsch Vlaanderen 2 (Middelburg, 1857) 211-304.

Returns: Returns of Aliens dwelling in the City and Suburbs of London (Publications of the Huguenot Society of London 10 in 4 parts) ed. R.E.G. Kirk and E.F. Kirk (Aberdeen, 1900-08)

Rye: Walter Rye, ‘The Dutch Refugees in Norwich’, Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany 1885  III/I pp. 185-248.

Vandamme: L. Vandamme, ‘Een calvinistische gemeente te Ieper tijdens het Wonderjaar (1566-67)’ in: De hervorming in het Ieperse in heden en verleden [s.l. , 1985].

 

Alastair Duke, University of Southampton, October  2014.

 


[1] I.L.A. Diegerick, ‘Salomon Faber, poëte yprois. Lettre à Monsier l’abbé Carton’, Annales de la Société d’Émulation de Bruges IX 2nd sér., 1852, pp. 3-12.

[2] Diegerick, ‘Salomon Faber’, p. 4.

[3] H.Q. Janssen ‘De hervormde vlugtelingen van Yperen in Engeland geschetst naar hunne brieven. Eene bijdrage tot de hervormingsgeschiedenis van Yperen en Norwich’,  Bijdragen tot de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis inzonderheid van Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen 2 (1857), 211-304.

[4] H.Q. Janssen ‘Eene bede aan de Nederlandsche hervormde gemeente te Thetford in Engeland, tot ondersteuning van prins Willem I in 1573’, Bijdragen tot de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis in zonderheid in Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen II (1859); pp. 327-36; A.P. van Groningen, ‘Twee watergeuzen’, Bijdragen tot de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis inzonderheid van Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen II, pp. 315-326.

[5] Janssen deliberately left out two others as being of no interest, ‘De hervormde vlugtelingen’, p. 215.

[6] J.W.C. Moens, The Walloons and their Church at Norwich: their History and Registers, 1565-1832 2 parts (Publications of the Huguenot Society of London, I) (Lymington, 1887-88, II, 220-24.

[7] I have often benefitted from the expertise of Dr Christopher Joby, when trying to resolve linguistic conundrums. Dr Joby is not only an expert in early modern Dutch, the language of the documents, but is also familiar with the history of Norwich.  For more on this collection see A. Duke, ‘Eavesdropping on the Correspondence between the Strangers, chiefly in Norwich and their Families in the Low Countries’, Dutch Crossing 38 (2), 2014, 116-31.  

[8] I.L.A. Diegerick (ed.)  Archives d’Ypres. Documents du XVIesiècle faisant suite à l’inventaire des chartes: Mémoire justificatif du magistrat d’Ypres sur les Troubles religieux arrivés en cette ville, en 1566 & 1567 avec pièces à l’appui suivi de documents inédits concernant la Réforme à Ypres 4 vols. (Bruges, 1874-77), IV, 64-65.

[9] Janssen, ‘De hervormde vlugtelingen’, p. 235; see also p. 237..

[10] Though not printed, one can obtain a pdf of her licentiaatsverhandeling from the University of Leuven.

[11] The original which I have not consulted is in the Norfolk Record Office, DN/DIS 10. See F. Meeres, ‘Records relating to the Strangers at the Norfolk Record Office’, Dutch Crossing 38 (2), 2014, 146-7.

 

 

Correspondence, mainly of a private kind, between Flemish Strangers in England and their families and contacts in Flanders, 1566-1573[1]

1. (53). Abraham Saren in Waterland to his father-in-law Machiel Hurtsebout in Nieuwpoort[2] 18 August [1566]. [297-8]

He acknowledged receipt of his father-in-law’s letter telling him that he had married. ‘We  pray to the Lord that this will be for your salvation’ and he expresses his delight that this marriage will give the brother guildsmen [of St Sebastiaan] much pleasure. ‘Further you also wrote how there [Nieuwpoort] there was much preaching at night, and this does not surprise for here in Waterland they are preaching during the day. Further, there are many strange reports, to wit that in Germany there are great gatherings, which although a reliable man had reported this to us, I cannot believe. But I have myself seen how some nobles, who had taken an oath with Brederode[3] and moreover introduced the ministers, have returned home and people have not reacted badly, and they said that they now had more courage than ever. Further, the gates at Vianen have been taken off and the ramparts half pulled down.’[4]  

2. (2). Karel Rijckewaert[5] to Olivier de Keeuwere.[6] Norwich to Ieper 4 July 1567 [215-16]

Grace and the peace of God through Jesus Christ.

Dearly beloved brother, I have received your letter which gave me much delight because from it I can see your affection towards God and his children.  For the sorrow for the oppressed sheep (as you wrote) that you had was not small; and one would have had to have a heart of stone not to have grieved with those who grieved. May God grant that you might thereby be so moved that you might flee and shun the place where such tyranny is not only exercised over the body but also over the soul and go where both body and soul may be comforted and the Lord served in his church. For this is the Lord’s will that we should only serve him; which seeing that it cannot take place on account of the persecution, we must follow Christ’s counsel: he says that if they persecute you in one place take refuge in another. May God grant that we are not found out to be despisers of Christ’s command. And although we might not be persecuted by some external tyranny and therefore we might wish to remain, we must remember that the lord commanded that we should depart from Babylon, from the Roman idolatry. For he says in chapter 18 of Revelation [v. 4] come out, come out, my people, that you do not partake in their sins and receive not her plague. Therefore we should come out so that we’re not condemned with the world and the godless (by partaking in their works). We must also not be fearful and say: how shall I live and so forth, but we must remember that the Lord says: seek the Kingdom of God and his righteousness and everything else shall be added to you; therefore do not worry what you shall eat or drink, for that is what those who do not trust in God do. May the Lord grant you grace that you may follow him to his honour and your salvation. Amen.

In haste, this 4th July, out Norwich

by me your servant Carle Rijckewaert.

Send warmest greetings on my behalf to your beloved wife and your niece. May the Lord preserve you.

Endorsed: To the honourable and good friend Olivier de Keewere at Ieper.     

3. (47). Thomas Willemot[7] to Olivier de Keeuwere. Norwich, 13 July 1567. [222-23]

To his dear and beloved friend ‘Olivier de Keuwere’ by the love of Christ. He still hoped much from him, though there was ‘little likelihood’ and he had heard of a ‘farewell’.[8] He besought him as a friend from the depths of his heart ‘because we have talked much together and still more for the benefit of your salvation, and [because] I know well that your wife is not opposed to fulfil the same’ that he does not allow himself to be misled. ‘For I know well that you don’t consider the Roman church as the church of Christ because she also is not in the truth’. One should not live in such a church or allow one’s family so to live. For Paul teaches: whoever fails to protect his household is worse than an unbeliever. Also it would be an abomination to return to that from which you first spewed out. To [dwell in] a house from which the devils have been expelled and [now] has been seized by other devils is a state worse than the former. ‘So, my beloved friend, don’t let yourself be tempted by honour, riches, the world of anything else. For people must not dissemble, for as Solomon says, God shuns the dissemblers; and you cannot  serve God with your heart and idolatry with your body: for etc.. Elijah says, how long will you remain in two minds?[9] If God is your God then follow him, and if it is Baal, then follow him. What shall you gain if you win the whole world and let your soul be corrupted? ‘In this way you do violence to your own soul, indeed not only your soul, [but] your entire family for whom you in the hereafter must give account.’ ‘Further I tell you that I have spoken to Walraven Maquon and his wife, who told me that you have a pledge which you may sell’. ‘I pray you to please send me the account of our tax, how much we’re ahead or in arrears, and how everything is with you. I believe the excise on wine and beer is not going very well. Give my greetings to all the brothers and sisters. Herewith may you be commended to God.’    

4. (48). Letter from father to Cornelis Damas, pewterer at Diksmuide. Leiden, 19 August 1567 pp. 297-8

Letter largely ignored by Janssen because it has no connection with Ieper. The father reported that Beatrijs, the sister of Cornelis, had arrived with her husband in Leiden on 9 August, but latter had already moved somewhere else where he would be free. Father hoped his son and wife would join him.

5. (58). Jacob Muus to his wife Neeltje living in Tegelstraat, Ieper. 20 August 1567. [p 224-5]

Fragment only: ‘I have left Flanders only for the name of Christ and I have followed in the footsteps of Christ.’ He urged his wife to follow him. ‘Therefore I am imploring you as a friend in all friendship that you have towards me that you will come where I am for here you will hear  God’s word being preached and learn how we will serve God to the best of our ability. And I have no doubt that God will help us and never leave us. We shall also earn our livelihood; you will do your best spinning bays and I [likewise] in my craft so that with God’s help we will not want for anything. Therefore follow me, I implore you, and don’t put off for the sake of your children.’  

6. (9). Pauwels de Coene[10] to his wife[11] in Ieper, living in ‘de corte mersce’. Norwich, 21 August 1567.  [225-6]

My dear wife, I can tell you my health, praise be to God, is good, trusting by God’s grace that yours and the children’s is likewise. With this [letter] I am telling you that I have received your letter which has made me very happy.  But before I give you my opinion, I must first ask something of our dear and well-beloved brother in the Lord, Gillis Pardieu,[12] namely that he should heed the severe punishments that God shall without warning send [down] on the Low Countries and also on all realms which have shed the blood of the innocent.’ Then follow some biblical texts and a rebuttal of the excuse Pardieu might plead that if he came across that he would have no opportunity to make a living and that he would leave behind much in Flanders. He should not govern his conduct in this way, but in accordance with God’s word and commandment. Then he turns to his wife and fervently desires that she should come with the children. He had heard that it was dangerous to leave and therefore he bids her to be diligent and advises her to sell everything she may not need. He is sending her ‘a barrel of herring,[13] which I urge you to sell as soon as possible so that you may more quickly set out on your journey. For the journey, as we understand, is everyday becoming more dangerous, and will become [still] more dangerous because the devil will become more furious.’  He hopes to rent a house soon so that when they come they’ll find everything ready. He asks her to thank Gillis Pardieu who had sent his greetings, and ends with some domestic arrangements.

7. (56). Clais van Wervekin[14] probably to his wife. Norwich 21 August 1567. [226-8]

Letter opens with invocation. Grace and peace of God, the heavenly Father, by our only Advocate, Mediator and Comforter Christ Jesus to strengthen your faith and comfort [you] in your sadness. Amen.

Dear and well-beloved in the Lord, you wrote me saying you were minded to go to Friesland,[15] which I have been told is much more inconvenient so I don’t think it wise to go there, and because I find Norwich so suitable that I can hardly express it. The cost of living is very cheap so it’s easy to earn a living ‘and you’d never believe how friendly the people together are, and also how well-disposed the English are to our nation so that, if you were here with [only] half our possessions, you would never think of going [back] to live in Flanders. Accordingly, I bid you, don’t hesitate; send my money and the three children, and I’ m not worried about managing here with the children on the same money that I spend on my own. Still I bid you, my well-beloved, that you don’t hesitate to come once the Bamis fair[16] is past and depart from that accursed popery.’

‘For I don’t have day or night’s rest on your account. Since I see that things are going so well here and that people have such good courage a great unquiet has come over me. For this confidence and peace of mind, which I see here in everyone, turns to disquiet because of you. I implore you to heed the salvation of your soul and of the children and to give me peace of mind’.  Therefore come and don’t worry.

‘I don’t propose to enter into matters concerned with business except that Francois Ghijssen[17] and I have something in hand ... Further, when you come, bring with you, if possible, a dough trough for you don’t find any here; they knead everything in earthenware which is most disgusting. And don’t hesitate to write me a reply and if you don’t find anyone reliable from Ieper, send the same to Pieter Cornewee[18], who will get it to me. Therefore know that I’m waiting and don’t hesitate to send me Catelijnken, Saerle and Tonijne ... You should also pack our tall pots[19]and your cord for hanging linen. Will you also buy two small wooden dishes for making half a pound of butter. The Netherlanders or Flemings make all their own butter, for here they only use lard. One dish for Gryttgin and the other for us. Take comfort and send my greetings to our friends and will you comfort and strengthen them in the Lord to the best of your ability. In particular Maikin Sincx,[20] Grytgin and Callekin send greetings from the bottom of their heart, to you. Maikin Sincx is ill; I was with her yesterday evening. It brings relief to my heart to be with them; it can only be an advantage. The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ.

8. (7): Andries and Tanneken van der Haghe[21] to Liven van der Haghe and Family living in the Aalmoezeniersstraat Ieper.   Norwich. 28 August 1567   [228-9]

Tanneken urges his parents to come to Norwich. Therefore, dear father, if you want to delay coming [here] saying that you must first settle with your debtors, you should first know that your debtors, Pieter Keerle[22] and Steven de Mol[23] are here, who very much wish you’d come and they would settle with you. As for selling your loom, don’t do that for your brother could look after it. Don’t worry about making a living here for, praise be to God, there is much business here, and I and my brother will as far as we’re able not leave you in any need, but assist you. You should know that my brother [Andries] has been ill for a month and now, God be praised, is somewhat better. Please greet Lieven van de Walle and his wife, not forgetting out grandmother, uncles and aunts together with all our friends.

Postscript: We pray that when you come to Nieuwpoort that you take a ship bound for Yarmouth for otherwise you would sail a day more. For if you go to Sandwich, it costs twice as much, therefore you must go on to Norwich. But I have a piece of gold. I had thought of sending it with the letter, but when you come to Norwich, I’ll give it you, even if you don’t have a farthing. When you come to Norwich, the money is yours. 

9. (62). Leonard Keerlinck [Teerlinck][24] to Victor de Vinck. Norwich, 31 August 1567 [229-30]

Leonard addressed De Vinck as his dear and beloved brother-in-law and commended himself strongly to your good grace, likewise to your dear wife, my beloved sister. He continues: As for what you wrote asking me to write telling you how business was going here [Norwich] and whether you would make a living here, I had more confidence in your faith, for it is a small trust that you have in God, indeed also a small trust that you have in God’s Word if you will first be assured about the temporal and only then to consider the eternal. For our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ taught us otherwise saying: seek first the kingdom of God and his righteousness, and the rest will be added unto you. And therefore I pray that you don’t worry so greatly about the temporal as to forget the eternal. The writer then admonished him strongly not to adhere to the Roman Church and he tells him of his fear that a great punishment will come upon Flanders.

And if you decide to come across, I don’t doubt but that you with your children will be able to make a living, for you buy more here for a stuiver than, so I hear, in Ieper for three. And if you will come, hurry before the winter and don’t bring anything except what you need to keep house for the freight is expensive. My wife, your dear sister, sends warmest greetings to you all and asks you, if you can find a suitable means, to send across the linen at Bertelmeeus van Peenens... Give Baerbele inde Cauwe, our sister, the cloth. He asks them to send greetings to his father, mother, brothers and sisters and all good friends and to Pieter Navegeer with his brother Jooris, asking them on my behalf, that they take heed of their call, remembering that although God is long-suffering, merciful and gracious, He is also a righteous judge, punishing those who forget his name, and that what counts is not the beginning but the perseverance.

The addressee lived in the Elverdingstraat opposite the Grey Sisters at Ieper.

10. (57). Clement Baet[25] [Buen] to his wife. Norwich 5 September 1567   [231-32]

Told his wife he had arrived in Norwich on 3 September where he had been joyfully received by Clement [?], van Tanne’s aunt and her husband, Jan Langedul,[26] Tomaes Vilgemo,[27] meester Pieter de Smet,[28] Franchoys Tybaut,[29] Tomaes Bateman,[30] Jan Bateman[31] Claeis Victoor[32] and others.  Wanted his wife to sell their possessions and come over. Told her there were good opportunities to earn a living in bays and I shall see to a house as quickly as possible to help us into that business, for in that way we can make a living. I’m then making a bay ... against your arrival. ... Bring also with you all your clothes and your daughter’s clothes, for people go about decently dressed.  He also wants her to bring furniture with her. And bring all this to the Nieuwe Dam and go to Nieuwpoort, to the Halve Maan: the woman there will help you. ... And tell your sister that Lein cannot practise his craft here for they only make bays. ... Send my hearty greetings to Flips kuen [?], my good friend Pieter de Pers, Pieter Priem, Cornelis Henderickz., Christiaen van de Stene, Jakijs de Muelene, Jooris Boontam and Jan Spene. And I can tell you that that we are happy and joyful with one another. May God grant you a friendly peace and profit such as we have in Norwich. It is fine to hear the Word in tranquillity and for this reason to earn one’s living.  

11. (63). Jan Coelen to Karel, son of Jan Moent at Langemark. London, 5 September 1567 [232]

Jan Coelen was the uncle of Jan Moent. He was cross with his brother Pieter because, without his consent, he had taken him away and brought him up as a Papist. He admonished him strongly to remain faithful and to leave for London. He should go to Antwerp or Nieuwpoort. If the shipmaster pays for your expenses I shall repay him. Be sure to do this secretly. The only person who might be told is the wife of Maximilian or the carrier of this letter. If you do this you will be a disciple of the Lord and He will bless you as he blessed Jacob.

12. (26). Willem Bricxses[33] to his wife. Norwich, 1 October 1567   232-33]

Written by ‘Thibault’[34] on behalf of Willem Bricxes.

He wanted his wife to ask ‘our sister at St Clara’ to keep the meadow until he returns or until the lease is finished.

Endorsed: To be given to Jaquez de Bure, pensier[35] inde langhe mersche to be forwarded to the wife of Willem Bricxes at Ieper.

13. (19). Gille de Vinck[36] to his brother Mahieu de Vinck. [Norwich][37], 2 October 1567 [233-34]

Janssen concluded that because this letter refers to the arrival of Jakes Roliers wife it must have been written from Norwich. The writer thanked his dear and well-beloved brother for his letter and everything he had sent him through Wulffaert Boeteman.[38] Gilles had been in France; he is now daily in the Duke of Norfolk’s Head, which is next to the King.[39] He asks that his greetings be passed on to his mother, his brothers and sisters, also to Victor and his wife. In return he sends on the hearty greetings from Caerle and Mortin and Jacques Rolier[40] and his wife[41] and Jan Langedul.

Addressed to Mahieu de Vinck who lived in Ieper behind the shambles beside the Droghen Boom.

14. (30). Franche de Cuupere to Boudewijn de Cuupere. [Norwich?], 2 October 1567 [234]

Addressed Boudewijn de Cuupere as his well-beloved uncle. He wished his wife and the whole family salvation. His opening words were Fear the Lord.

He understood from his letter of 30 September that his uncle had sent off his tools which his mother-in-law had been looking after. On1 October he had received this from  Wulfaert Boeteman, the shipmaster. Janssen thought Franche de Cuupere was a carpenter, while his uncle built mills. He asked him to sell some timber and to send the money through Boeteman. Ended with greetings to Jan de Vont, Augustijn van Beselaere, Jan van Houtte and his wife and children, and then to all who know your love.

Endorsed: For Boudewijn de Cuupere who lived in the Elverdingstraat, Ieper.

15. (42). Jakemijne van Gheste[42] to Pieter van den Broucke.[43] [Norwich], 3 October 1567 [234-5]

She is writing to her beloved uncle and aunt. I can tell you that I’ve received your letter in which you write to me that I’m not obedient to my parents, which causes me much pain; but I find in the Scriptures that I must obey God rather than man: Acts in chapter 5. We also read in Matthew chapter 10: whoever does not leave his father, mother, country, soil[44]for my sake is not worthy of me.[45] Further, you write to me that our ministers are false prophets and that in the last days false prophets shall come and people shall know them by their fruits. But, uncle, I pray you, test all spirits; just read Timothy in the 4th chapter[46] whereby people shall know: forbidding marriage etc. Then you write to me that if don’t return home, you will make me a bastard in my father’s estate. If you do that, I pray that in so doing you don’t commit a sin in your conscience against your soul. And if you do it, so be it, for I look forward to an eternal inheritance. So, I pray to the Lord that he may enlighten your heart and bring you to the knowledge of the truth, and I praise the Lord that I am here. May God keep you in virtue.   

Endorsed: For Pieter van den Broucke living at Ieper ‘in de mane’ [in the Moon].

16. (45). Chrispijn Polderman[47] to François van den Kasteele. Norwich, 3 October 1567 [235-6]

Sends friendly greetings to ‘you, my beloved brother and your wife’ and tell you that we’re both [i.e. he and his brother] are faring well. Acknowledged receipt of the clothes and everything that had been kindly sent him. ‘And further, I have received the money that you sent me through Hans Rookus and I know that you’ve paid Mahieu Priem’s wife[48] the half reael as Mahieu’s wife has herself told me. ... If you yourselves don’t come, send me my black coat through Wulfaert Boeteman when he next comes, or if Wulfaert is not coming again through another reliable carrier, whom you trust. And further I can tell you that my brother Franssen has entered into a contract with one Wullen vanden schoore[49] and irons bays and earns 2 £ groot annually and good upkeep so don’t worry on our account. We’ll get on fine with one another as one brother should do with the other.... Remain always in the fear of the Lord.

Endorsed: To  François van den Kasteele ‘close by the Count’s walls at Ieper’.

17. (16). Wife of Jaques Rollier[50] to her son Torkin Rollier Norwich, 3 October 1567 [236]

She had a good journey and her health was good. Arrived at Norwich on 29 September 1567. She asked that sundry things be given into safekeeping of wife of Aderiaen Waleven[51] or someone else who is experienced, or given to Wlfaert Boeteman ... Will you tell my godfather Gilles Horne and our father that mum and dad send them hearty greetings ... Don’t forget that Jackis sent you all the mourning bonnets.

Written on 3 September [sic: October] 1567 by your mother, the wife of Jackis Rollier.

*18. Pieter de Smedt to Salomon Faber (De Smedt),[52]Thynophanio’ of Ieper, Ieper’.[53]

From Norwich in England on 3 October 1567. 

May the grace, peace and comfort from our heavenly Father through His Son Jesus Christ in the Holy Spirit the comforter, who are three in one, be with you in all your travels.

If you are well, my dearly beloved son Salomon, that is good; I, praise God, am in the best of spirits, though a little more infirm in body.

Jacobellus,[54] your little brother, sent ahead by your mother landed here safe and well on 29 September, however your mother after her sea sickness has now by 30 September regained her strength, thanks be to God.  How thankful I am for their arrival no one will be unaware who does not lack human feeling. The fact that you are absent is the one thing my [aveipelargus][55] takes badly, but this again comforts me that it is to our common advantage that you are absent, namely that you are protecting us against those who beyond all justice and right strive wickedly to turn our affairs to themselves. May God give them their just deserts.

Of our belongings sent here, apart from a few other items, we would like that chair on which your mother used to attend the holy preachings[56] and the two best gold rings she had. All these we are sure (and it can be proved by witnesses if it should come down to that) are at the house of my lord, the bailiff Aubyn,[57] in the country or, (as they say), the castellany of Ieper. If you can kindly recover these from him, with the help of some relative of his, you would do us a service; however, in the meantime, I would not want anything disgraceful to be entered into with him on my account.

Would you courteously greet in my name Sr de Beauruaert, advocate at Ieper,[58] and would you ask that he would assist us as far as he can with help, advice and ??? [cls][59] in our cause against the schout of Ieper and Arnold van Ackere?[60] For I have absolute confidence that his total frankness and favour towards us hitherto will stand firm. He would never have allowed so great an injustice as was done by my spiteful enemies on 3 July past if he had been present.[61] For what they alleged against me was frivolous and plainly fictitious, nor even now am I aware of this matter.

As for our other affairs. Salomon, first you should go to the house of Mr Joos Navegheer to ask whether he didn’t lend me three gold crowns at Antwerp and whether he didn’t have an IOU which on his returning, you would repay him the three crowns, thanking him for his favour. You could take the money from our sale, or if you don’t have that yet, ask our good friend Pieter Quintas to assist you in this matter.

In respect of our house, if you can rent this for seven pounds Flemish for the period of three years I will be quite content, but to no more than one family of people. If they will only give six pounds a year for it, then I will have the freedom that they [must] leave the same if we wanted to sell the house or we ourselves wanted to move in with a year’s notice. But irrespective of which of these two ways of renting, the tenant must give good and sufficient guarantees, both with regard to the rental and for the preservation of the chattels as well also as of the glass windows, when he will undertake to maintain the value and worth as these have been assessed at the time of entry by qualified persons.  

As for my burghership you should write to Christian Doens, clerk to the burghers, and tell him that I keep this at the house of your grandfather Gaspar van den Steene, my beloved father-in-law, but you must first inform him and ask whether he has any objection.

In all these above matters I give you complete authority and particular irrevocable order, also to represent me in legal matters with the power to sign documents on my behalf. 

From Norwich on the day given above.

P. Faber

Your word is truth. John 17 [v. 17]

My son Salomon, you know how much I love you, so look after our affairs diligently and when you are making preparations to return to Leuven, I would love you to make the journey here so that at least I may see you and speak to you before I die. The voyage from here to Antwerp is not at all difficult, [and] from there Leuven is only one day’s journey away, as you know. Now, farewell, my son, farewell, and ask God to grant us patience.

Greet all those who wish us well and will enquire after me. 

 

19. (22). Wife of Jaques Rollier to Inghele Neckebaert. Norwich, 4 October 1567 [236-7]

Honourable and beloved Ingele Neckebaert, I commend myself to you and your beloved wife as a friend, to say we are all in good health and I hope that it’s likewise with you. Inghele, I have spoken to our minister and he sends you warmest greetings and would have sent you a letter,[62] but it was not possible for him. And will you tell all our neighbours that Jackis [Jacques] and I greet them warmly as friends and say that we live in a good passage[63] where very many people walk by and it is close to the market and the church. Written in haste the 4th October 1567.

Yours ever,the wife of Jackis Rollier in Norwich.

Inghele, will you tell our neighbour, the wife of Olevier de Keuwere,[64] that I send greetings to her and her husband Olevier, and that they might always suffer patiently: the Lord will dispose all things in accordance with his will.

20. (14). Jooris Berendt[65] to his wife.[66] Norwich, 4 October 1567 [237]

He acknowledges receipt of wife’s letter and tells her what more he wants. He repeatedly expressed the wish that she should come as soon as possible. He asked her to send his greetings to all our friends and neighbours, especially not to forget Clarkin Meye and all her family and tell Jacob de Hoemakere[67] that his daughter sends him warmest greetings.

21. (15). Clais van Wervekin[68] to Jooris Tooris. Norwich, 4 October 1567 [238]

He called his addressee his ‘good servant’. His wife was still then in Ieper because he asks him to greet my wife. I am preparing to pluck fleeces. ...  For I know well that your wife is very fond of mine. May God change things for the better. Stay committed to God.

22. (20). Joos Dateen[69] to Jan Harberdin. Norwich? 4 October 1567 [238-39]

The grace of the Father, the love of the Son and communion of the Holy Spirit be with you all though Jesus Christ, our Lord and Redeemer. Amen

I Joos Daten and Calleken van Ackere,[70] my dear wife [send] friendly greetings to you Jan Harberdin and your wife. My beloved friend and Maeiken, my dear sister, my friends, I’m letting you know that we’re fine and  in good health, for which I praise God through Jesus Christ, as I trust it is likewise with you. But I’m surprised that you so forget us that you don’t write whether you are fine and well. It seems as if we’re not related with one another because I and my wife have a different faith from you. For all that neither I nor my wife forget you. But God shall judge who has the best faith. Therefore let us not forget one another, but always respect the Lord and pray to God for one another so that God would convert those who have gone astray. And God has granted me that I can earn my living [to pay for] upkeep and clothes, and, the chief thing, the Word of God which is a power for salvation for whoever believes it.

And I’m letting you know that I’m sending two cheeses with Wllfaert Boeteman. It’s a small gift but the intention is good. No more at this time than that God may be with you, Amen.

Written on the 3rd day after Bamis [4th] October in the year of Our Lord 1567.

By me Joos Daten, your humble servant [to do] what I can for your benefit.

Endorsed: You will deliver this letter to Jan Harberdin on the Markt in Ieper.

23. (24). Christiaan de Langhe. October 1567  [239]

Janssen considered this unsigned letter of no interest.     

24. (55). Typer[71] to Lazarus. [Norwich?]  2 November 1567 [240]

Letter concerns sale of ‘hops’. Said he’d received a letter from servant of Lauwereins de Groote.[72] Ends: Be commended to God. In haste, All Souls Day 1567. Tear up this letter. We have received 22£ 12 groten. Your servant and friend Typer.

Endorsed: To Tannekin vande Dorste, borduereweghe, to give Lazarus this letter with the same  let Pieter also arrange it. Farewell. 

25. (54). Typer to Lazarus. [Norwich?], 6 November 1567 [240-41]

Honourable and beloved, my good and trusty friend Lasarus. I would write you much more, but time does not allow it, but what I can is, sincerely, for you. We have written [to acknowledge] receipt and other things. We live here on the High Street[73] in the house of master Thomas,[74] a very fine princely dwelling. I am here quite on my own in the best part of the house, with a fine furnished room and two small rooms to the side as closets for our room and a fine pleasing garden for me [and] a fine cellar. I would not find a finer dwelling in Ieper with a pool in the middle, an orchard, common meadow, farmstead and so forth.[75] We imagined we were in the wilderness and the Lord has brought us into the Promised Land. To Him be praise and honour from eternity to eternity, amen.

Beloved friend, .... I hope you may yet get the time to come and see us freely and if you were to come, you would be welcome as a brother, giving first all honour to God. My dear [friend] I would like you to greet Jaques Venant[76] warmly and I don’t get any news of him. He has completely forgotten me... My wife sends you warm greetings and wants to receive you in her house handsomely in God’s honour. Further, my good friend Anthonis Paerdieu’s belongings are here[77] and I don’t know what his intention is; he hasn’t written except for a letter I received from Nieuwpoort without any information. I want to show [him] every kindness I can. Give him greetings and [ask] him to send me information. Give our greetings to all good friends and I would ask you to send warmest greetings to my mother and comfort her in her distress for the woman is getting old and it pains me that I cannot comfort her. I would write much more but I stop because of the time. God will ordain in accordance with his holy will. That Kallekin, my daughter, write how grandmother is. Greet on our behalf Mathijs Hallick[78] van Belle: he will arrange delivery of the letters of my daughter. Master Robert[79] sends warm greetings to you and grandmother and Jacques Venant likewise. Greet master Daneel Hemleen.  

26. (36). Jan Klypeel gezeid Haze[80] [Jan Philipeel alias Hasle] to Gilles de Korte[81] Norwich, 11 December 1567 [242-43] Norwich, 11 December 1567 [242-43]

He addressed himself to his good friend, master Gyllus de Koorte, greffier of the town of Ieper. He was owed money for six pitchers of wine which were offered on 24 July 1566,[82] when I was in Ieper, on the occasion when the grote gemeente[83] of the town of Ieper had assembled in de Vichs, [to] the guild of millers whose hoofdman [governor] was one Andries Paylinck.[84] I beseech you do your best for the sake of the Lord [and ask] my brother Jan Enten that he might pay from this [sum] those to whom I owe money at Ieper for there are many at Ieper to whom I’m also indebted for which I’m very sorry. Had I but followed your advice, it would have spared me much fine property for you gave good counsel[85] for which I am eternally thankful to you,  and to others  in Ieper.

27. (37). Jan Klypeel gezeid Haze [Jan Philippeel] to Carolus van Houcke.[86] Norwich, 15 December 1567. [243-4]

Begins by asking for grace and peace of God the Father through Jesus Christ for the Voogd,[87] magistrates and council of Ieper, and all reputableinhabitants, but the letter is especially addressed to my good friend, my lord, the schout of the town of Ieper. I pray to you with my whole heart do your best in the name of the Lord and for the sake of God for my brother-in-law Jan Enten concerning confiscations and other charges so that he may collect my debts and use it to pay what I owe, for I am now not in a good state of affairs for my property at Ieper has all been lost and I have on that score suffered greatly; and I am still very distressed that I can’t pay with my property.....When I lived in Ieper I found you to be a good man. I so much wanted to pay the people and to put affairs in order.

Give warmest greetings to my good friends Jacus van der Mest and Joos de Hondt: I trust that they, by God’s grace, shall not lose out. But people treated me meanly when my wife was at Nieuwpoort. They made us sleep without a bed and our six children also.[88]But I forgive the hostile attitude of them all and I ask for good grace for these people that they will nevertheless show forbearance to my friends at Ieper. I’m sorry that I may not set foot in Ieper. By the grace of the lord, the time will come that I may come to Ieper and that we may still be good friends. Where we are [Norwich] we fare well and make a living.

Endorsed:  To my honourable good friend Caerlus van Houcke, schout of the town of Ieper, living by Sint Maartenskerk.      

28. (4). Brother of Pieter de Corte[89] to the same: no place or date [Sandwich? 1567?] [244]

Tells him that our beloved father died at 2.45 in the morning of 24 September. He died peacefully and blissfully. No reason for sorrow but rather for gladness.

29. (10). Claeis van den Niewenhuuze to Joes van Lomme[90] [Norwich] 1567 [245-6].

Janssen thinks letter is of little interest which he therefore summarises. Letter addressed, also on his wife’s account, to his beloved father and mother. He prays that they should come across to here where the Word of God is so abundantly preached.  

Postscript: Tell Clament Kuen [Buen?] senior that his son[91]is  faring well at Norwich and that he had heard Pieter Ha(e)zaert and Tyofylus[92] [Theophilus] preach on the Sunday after he left [Ieper?] for which he thanked the Lord for his grace. 1567. And he greeted his mother warmly.

Endorsed: To Joes van Lomme living on the Nieuwe Weg by the Diksmuide gate at Ieper.

30. (12). To Pieter de Wert at Ieper. Norwich]  [1567?] [246]

Maeyken tells her parents [and uncle] that their daughter and niece have arrived in Norwich. They were urged to come for one can easily make a living here and there is religious freedom. She adds that both of us are learning to spin bays [baize].

31. (13). Victoor de Meene[93] to his wife [Anna Ruvere].[94] [Norwich?]  [1567] [246]

Janssen said the name was unclear; probably Victor de le Meere. Strongly urged his wife to join him.

32. (17). Jacob Buenken[95] to Jan Mooke.[96] [Norwich] [1567] [246]

He refers to him as his beloved master and writes also to his wife and son, his beloved brother in the Lord. Though he had been away from them for a long time, he was present with them in spirit and he prayed for them. He exhorted him to stand fast. Then you always have the Lord in your thoughts and remember what spirit you have adopted; not the spirit of men but of God.

Endorsed: Jan Mooke in the Dixmuidestraat at Ieper.                                

33. (18). Clais Wevele[97] to his wife Tanneken Rabaus. Norwich [1567]  [247]

I am telling you that Fransois Thibaut[98] has written a letter which concerns me and him. .. I ask kindly that you should follow me. Greet Magriete de Blekeghe, the widow of Maex [Marcus] Rickenwaert[99] and I ask kindly with all my heart that she doesn’t come without bringing my wife’s maid servant; for we’re beginning to work in making says. Come as quickly as possible for I have no peace until you’re with me.  

34. (21). François de Jaghere[100] to his mother. Norwich [1567] [247]

Your son, Fransoys de Jaghere, forever yours, arrived at Norwich two weeks after I left Ieper. Give my greetings to Jan de Burcgrave[101] and all the good brothers, and say that Carle is still with me as he expects his brother. He commended her heartily [and] the children. As soon as he settled in, he will send money or come himself since he has begun to get good work. 

Endosed: To the widow of Jan de Jaghere near the Bonten Hert at Ieper.

35. (23). Wulfaert Tevele[102] to Andries van de Walle. [Norwich] [1567] [247-48]

Correspondent was surprised that Claeis van de Walle[103] had sent the wife of Jaques Rollier about money. Otherwise Janssen found nothing special in letter. According to Janssen Wulfaert  Tevele did not write the letter, a conclusion he reached on basis of the following letter, though this is not obvious from his very brief summary of letters 35 & 36.

Endorsed: Andries lived in the Tempelstraat at Ieper.

36 (25). Wulfaert Tevele to his parents.[104] [Norwich] [1567] [248]

Mentions Jaques Rolliers wife in the same way as the previous letter.

Endorsed: This letter is to be handed to Joris Mes in the Tempelstraat at Ieper.

37. (27). Brother of Joos Boontam to the same. [Norwich] [1567] [248]

The brother called on Joos to help him reach a settlement with another brother Jooren [Boontam][105] with whom he had had a difference. Joos was a gunmaker. Letter otherwise unremarkable according to Janssen.

38. (29). A brother to his sister.[106] [Norwich] [1567] [248-49]

This letter mentions a certain Clais Pils. Asked for money to be sent via Wulfaert Boeteman. Asked for greetings to be given to Cristiaen Mervyand his wife. The daughter of Cristiaen Mervy[107] sent hearty greetings to her father. She wanted her father to come [108]

Endorsed: To be given to Lieven de Benauwere [butcher] for forwarding to the sister.

39. (38). Husband [Olliver Cuvelier?][109] of Paescincken Kuveliers to his wife. Norwich [1567] [249]

Sends warm greetings to his wife whom he tells that he with the children are faring well. Rumour in Norwich had it she had died and therefore he very much wanted a letter. He wanted her very much to come to Norwich where we would lead godly lives unlike in Flanders where you heard of iniquity and wickedness. He adjured her to say farewell to a life spent amid the Romish religion which he called idolatry and to follow the example of Stephen who suffered being put to death by stoning rather than participate. When I lived in all wickedness, then you followed me, but now I live in godliness and in the fear of God, you don’t follow me. How can your conscience be at rest! Sends greetings to his grandmother and all his neighbours and implores her to write to say whether we have been banished.

40. (41). Son to his Mother. [Norwich] [1567]  [249-50]

Correspondent’s name illegible. Message ‘go to the Davverstaete to the wife of Joris de Cuper, and tell her that her husband is well. Especially sent greetings to Jacob Baelde and his wife of whom he often thinks and for whom he prays that the Lord might strengthen him and that they might not be hindered from the truth. Further, be of good courage as we are and praise the Lord that he has given you children who have come here and seek God’s kingdom.

Endorsed: Letter to be delivered to the house of Jacomijne Braems,[110] widow at Ieper in the Torou(e)tstraete opposite the Lyetter

41. (46). [250] A text, partly in numbers, for which the key, according to Janssen, can easily be found, and partly in ordinary letters. This contains a prayer with a strongly Protestant character.

42. (49). Andries Terlinck[111] to his parents, brothers and sisters and Joorys de Duutsche. [Norwich] [1567] [250]

Asked Joorys de Duutsche to speak with his father Pieter Terlinck. Had arrived in Yarmouth on 1 September. Mentions Michiel Hessel[112] and Jan Rycouvaert of Aeyghem near Eecloo.

43. (50) Tijnken Peers[113] to her father Anthuenis de Peers. 13 July (?) [1567] [?]  [250]

So many people have come across that it’s incredible. Greets her brother and his wife and her sisters. Wishes that Calleken, to whom she had sent a letter through Dirk Donct, would come to live there for she would lead a devout life here as I do.

44. (52) Hans Losynghier[114] to Gabriël van Dale.  Norwich [1567] [251]

The craft Gabriel practised in his house is not practised at Norwich; he would have to learn another and he himself is now learning to comb says. Sends greetings to Gabriël’s wife, his beloved friend.

Addressed to Clierstrate in Ieper.

45. (59). Jacob Buenken[115] to Jan Buenken. [Norwich] [1567] [251]

No name, but Janssen, having compared handwriting, was convinced that the writer of this also wrote letter 31.

He had heard that his cousin and niece Margaretha Vtdonck and her husband living in Fruitmarkt at Ieper spend their time quarrelling and fighting. Admonishes them to repent of their ways. Alas, you would rather play bowls,[116] than look at a book. Don’t you know that dicers and gamblers will not possess the kingdom of God?

46. (60). To Jacob Baert or Bart. [Norwich] [1567] [251]

Asked him to send various items via Wulffaert Boeteman. Exhorted him to leave the Romish religion. Break open the cupboard and ‘pay yourselves out of the rent, for we understand that there is great poverty in Flanders... Seek after the light and say farewell to the darkness; therefore abandon life and possessions and fear neither hell, the devil nor death.

Endorsed: For Jacob Baert living in the Torestrate, Ieper.

47. (8). Adriaan Wallewein[117] to Gelein Evraert[118] [Norwich] 7 January 1568 [252-54]

Good fortune, salvation and prosperity, beloved friend and cousin. The reason for my writing is simply that I understand that my lords of the Council have appointed you along with our uncle master Adriaen de Bloc as guardian of Copken, my youngest brother; and I have also learned that you have taken the youngster into your house. Therefore I pray, will you see that he is apprenticed to a merchant from Lille who deals in woad, madder and cloth for he has begun to be instructed in the cloth trade and has spent more than a year at Antwerp and has sold cloth in the [cloth] hall at Nieuwkerke so that he is beginning to gain some experience; and he can receive money, count and cast accounts and I have also taught him his Latin so that since our father’s death he has not been much at home. And it’s high time that he knew French but he can’t learn that language in your house or in the town of Ieper. Therefore don’t stand in his way; apprentice him to the sort of merchant that I prescribed above, for these three sorts of trade belong with one another. Were it not for this uproar in our country, I would have apprenticed him. And my wife has or has had help and assistance to recover some of her debts so that as a result he has been delayed for eight or nine months. When I was last in Flanders, I put seven years to his account. ... and he also has property with Pontus van de Quellerie ... which I keep for learning English and more French until God will ordain otherwise, for which reason I have left sufficient other shares of property so that neither the orphan nor anyone else will be at a loss for my sake. Therefore I ask you to make arrangements for him as if you would answer before God and his friends. And will you speak with master Adriaen de Bloc to see whether he knows where he might learn the language. And I would ask you to write telling me with whom you have apprenticed him. For although it is so that that the magistrates have made you guardian, I also shall not fail to act as [his] guardian and as a father so that he may enjoy ownership of the remainder of whatever the honourable Duke and his honourable council will leave. For I understand that he makes bold to confiscate our property, but I trust that the good judgement of my lords will not go so far as to suffer such a foreigner entirely to do this, yes, even if it were the king himself. Yes, even if it were also the king, proper legal procedures have been provided against the king which they wanted so that they are not hated too much. Cousin, fare well and send hearty greetings on my behalf to your wife, my niece, and to my brother Copkin and tell him that I warn him that if he keeps the fear of God in his sight he will become wise for as the wise man says, the beginning of wisdom is the fear of God. Farewell.

By your well beloved and cousin Adriaen Wallewein

Cousin, that I write to you [and] that you write to me where the young man I don’t do because it’s my wish to have him with me. For had I had wanted him here in England, my lords would have intervened too late to summon him; I had plenty of time and sufficient means to bring him here. But since people call those of us who are here in England heretics and rebels, I didn’t want him here lest he get any such reputation. But if it were rightly determined who the rebels were, these would be known by their signs and works. But everything will come right forhe who can wait.[119]

48. (39). [Adriaan Wallewein to Gelein Everaert]. [Norwich] [1568?]  [255-56]

No date or name, but Janssen concluded, from handwriting and the content that this letter was also written by Adriaan Wallewein to Gelein Everaert. There is no means of knowing whether this letter was written before or after no 47.

Writer wanted to know from cousin Ghelein whether confiscation would fall on burgers and how you’re getting on with Copkin.[120] He counted on his cousin to collect his debts and to act as a guardian to his youngest brother for I count you as a friend. Although it’s the case that we differ about the faith, we don’t therefore have to be at loggerheads for it’s just like a court trial and judgement which God will one day [decide] and he who is found right will be saved. Therefore I, insofar as it concerns me, do not wish any harm on my papist friends and neighbours. He returns to this matter on the next page of his letter. I would hope that you don’t bear any grudge against me for as I wrote on the other page, between people it’s like a trial before God, and people commonly say that a trial shouldn’t cause any grudges. I shall arrange to come across one of these days to see you and how my affairs are going.

49. (44). Pieter de Wulf[121] to Victor Fruutier[122] Norwich, 8 January 1568 [256-8]

Acknowledged Fruutier’s letter of 28 December that his power of attorney had been received and would be executed for which he thanked him. Surprised however that Fruutier, despite being asked previously had not sent an account of his administration for two reasons: first, because he expected De Wulf with wife and children in Flanders; secondly, on account of the Duke’s proscription (against him). De Wulf thought these objections invalid: first, he could not leave England just like that especially in winter; secondly, it was dangerous to enter those province and especially Ieper for various reasons; thirdly, because I am compelled to appear, as you write before the duke, with whom I don’t know of having any quarrel since I don’t think I have committed any misdeed against the King; fourthly, on account of my love for my wife and the well-being of my children and my allegiance to God. For I would have to deny Him were I to defend my property and inheritance. As for the proscription of the Duke, although it may be true, I don’t think it applies to me since, as I said, I have done nothing against the King or the ordinances of the town. For I didn’t attend the preaching without the permission of the Count[123] and the magistrates. Furthermore, I think I’m free to leave and to live where I want. Therefore I cannot be of the number [of those condemned] as you consider me. And I also don’t doubt but that my lords the burgomaster and the magistrates will defend their rights and privileges so stoutly that they will not allow them and the burghers to be deprived of these. And this would be so, even if I were to abandon God, who is the sovereign judge, who will one day reveal the righteousness of the oppressed and will punish those who pass unrighteous judgements. Trusting that you, having regard for my wife and children, will stand up for my cause in accordance with God’s commandment in the law books as far as you’re able. Further, as for your advice and exhortation in which you desire that we don’t remain obstinate and stiff-necked, I think that is unnecessary. For in good causes one is not obstinate but only in causes which one has chosen oneself, were it against the truth or not, which I think is said of us by many, but we suffer with Paul who also must hear such [gibes] from the unbelieving Jews.[124]

You also write that we should not believe evil counsellors or liars. We haven’t moreover hitherto done so and hope still not to do so unless we were to follow your advice, who counselled us as a good friend to return to Ieper and to become reconciled with your bishop and parish priest and also to join, in the approved manner, your mother the holy church. I think this advice comes more from your love for us than from wisdom. For it is a counsel that comes from flesh and blood and not from God since it is contrary to holy scripture. For scripture teaches us to be reconciled with God who is our true bishop and shepherd, whom we only desire to hear.  Etc. Then follow passages from scripture. That we should also live as our forefathers, but God forbids us in Ezekiel 20 [vv.18-19] where he says: you shall not live according to the statutes of your fathers, nor observe their laws nor defile yourselves with their idols for I am the Lord your God and you shall live in accordance with my commandments. For this reason I am not able to accept your exhortation, but I would exhort you yourself to observe the truth from God’s Word.  Then follow further strong exhortations from scripture.

He asked him pass on his greetings to Jan and Victoor de Reublis and also to all his friends. Further he asks Fruutier to look after his belongings left behind in his house at Ieper, in particular his cloths and to send him 100 angelots. He threatened to take severe measures if he mistreated his property.

50. (5) Thomas Willemot[125] to Jan Thevele. Norwich 31 March 1568 [259-60]

Dear and beloved friend Jan Thevele, I look favourably on you as well as on your wife and family. Had received an official letter from his son Jan Willemot who had apparently remained in Ieper and writes about his possessions still in Flanders. Refers to financial matter concerning Christiaan de Haze[126] who owed him 25£ groot and he wanted that debt recovered. Jan Langhedul was involved in this matter and he had spoken to him about it. Hoped that no one would suffer. Janssen found the remainder of the letter more interesting.

We have also received an official letter copied by you telling us how my son Thomaes Willemot[127] had been summoned for the last time to appear before the Duke of Alba on 7 April next on pain of being banished and having his property confiscated. I, along with everyone else, am astonished that confiscation is included for we are exempt from confiscation in accordance with our privileges that Count Guy sold to us. Since then neither count, emperor nor king has wanted to take away this privilege nor to destroy or weaken it. Indeed, not only have they since sworn to maintain and see maintained the privileges, but also every year the magistrates have sworn to see the same maintained and widows and orphans protected against [confiscation] as far they could. Therefore, I don’t doubt but that the three members of the estates will do their duty to protect the same because they will hereafter answer for the same: for this may be required of them hereafter. For our gracious prince the King has, when he was at Ieper, sworn to observe the same privileges and see these upheld. How then can it be that a Duke of Alba, who is very far from being of the rank of our king, can in some way proceed to take away that which his lord and master and above all the king has sworn not to violate and so make the King a perjurer in his absence? Notwithstanding, this is to inform you all that the same Thomaes Willemot son of Thomaes died on 26 March past and consequently he has gone to appear before the sovereign judge who is more forgiving than the lords of this world, who seek only to murder and burn, and in this way seek the death of their fellow brethren which God does not do, nor does he want a sinner to die but rather that he repents and lives.

Signed: Thomaes Willemot d’Oude.   

51. (33) Maerritgen Vrancken to Claes Jansz. van der Gou. [Flanders] 29 April 1568 [260-61]

Maerritgen Vrancken, the mother of Claes Jansz., writes to say that, if he’s unable to make his living, he and his wife and children may come and live with her. She will do her feeble best. He must however lie low, for they’re keeping a strict watch to arrest people. If you don’t lie low, you will be in great trouble and cause me much grief. She’s surprised that he’s not seen Adriaan Koock, who often came to London and has not sent any word.   

Endorsed: Claes Jansz. van der Gou, shoemaker in England, living at Norwich behind the Castle.

52. (43). Pieter de Wulf[128] to Victor Fruutier. Norwich 19 May 1568 [261]

Honourable, wise and discerning cousin and friend; he sends greetings to himself and his wife; his own wife and family fare well. He recalls his letter of 8 January 1568. You’ll understand that he is astonished that you, who would be an honourable man and would live as such, do not feel guilty that you for so long have kept my property in your power.  He then calls the godless to his attention and once again reprimands him severely. He reproaches him for abusing it for you well know that I cannot enter the country on account of the great tyranny perpetrated there, especially in the town of Ieper, against those who profess the name of Jesus Christ and would follow in his ways.  

53. (3). Unknown person[129] to Jacob Balde. [Ieper/ Belle?] 24 June 1568.  [261-63]

Twice since Easter he suffered from ‘gout’ but was now better. Had received a letter from Jacob Balde of 28 May 1568 which warned him not to fall into hands of men. He replied that he hoped Almighty God would preserve him and be the guide of himself and his wife because in our pilgrimage we hope to walk in the paths of the Lord in accordance with his godly Word, for it is better to fall into the hands of men than into the hands of the living God for we must obey God rather than men. Then follows a detailed exposition based on scripture to the effect that one must deny oneself, take up the cross and follow Jesus and suffer oppression; it is better to miss out on earthly possessions than to put one’s soul at risk. We should moreover pay no heed to any  edicts or placards which kings and lords of this world command us to keep, but we must heed the edicts or laws we have been commanded to keep through Jesus Christ in holy scripture for these commandments which our Redeemer has commanded us will bring us eternal fruit.

I am writing this letter, he adds in a postscript, because it might be that I will not be writing any more to you for a long time. For I have decided today to depart into another country in the hope of finding greater freedom of conscience there and when I am in such [a place] I shall let you know in what country I am. But when you or Pieter van Wijnnezele want to write to me you should contact Andries Onzeel.[130] Andries will forward the same to a powerful merchant in the town of Antwerp with whom I am well acquainted and the same merchant does much business in England and France. Therefore whether these are letters or other matters of more importance they will reach me and very quickly.  I would ask you to often exhort Nicolas about my lease and to diligently recover other debts which people at Godewaersvelde and around Belle owe me and to send the same to the aforementioned Andries. Further, brother, I would like you to send me by the next messenger the family tree of Cornelys van Schoere which I lent you, also the copy for the children of Pieter Bladelincx, our mother and her sisters, for I hope to find there indeed many of our kin. He asks him to send greeting his greetings to Pieter van Wijnnezele and to my sister. He commends once more his interests with the leaseholders around Godeswaarsvelde. He would have written to Pieter[131] if the ship had not had to sail so quickly and asks him to let Pieter read this letter.

Signed: By your well-disposed brother whose writing you know well.

54. (11) The writer of 51 to Pieter van Wijnnezele.[132] [Ieper/ Belle?] 24 June 1568.  [263-64]

He also calls him brother and commends himself to him and to my sister your companion as does also my wife. He tells him that twice since Easter he has been ill twice with gout. May God protect our health so that we may better complete our pilgrimage in another country which we hope today to begin in England or in France ... trusting that the Lord will be our guide. Then again follow exhortations.

Postscript: Further, brother, if you are more inclined to write to me than you have been hitherto, you should send your letters through Antwerp to Andries Onseel, cloth merchant, residing in the Havetstraetkin near the Bierhooft.[133]  He will deliver letters to the merchant mentioned in the previous letter who would deliver these in a manner of speaking as if 1000£ groot depended on them. Further he asks that Van Wijnnezele would assist his brother, presumably Nicolas, in collecting what his tenants at Godewaarsvelde and other debtors owed him as well as to ensure that the money from the sale of the coppiced wood from seven or eight gemeten[134] is sent to Antwerp merchant.

55. (32). J.P. to Christiaan de Poortere. Sandwich, 23 August 1568. [264-65]

Called de Poortere his honourable and well-beloved brother. He sent greetings to children of Garfier (or Gayfier) Laurens and other good friends. He asks him warmly to repay Pieter Duriez the money for which he had stood guarantor. Mahieu Vramont[135] had told him Duriez had not yet settled the matter. He signed as your entire brother and friend.

Addressed to: De Poortere resident in Belstrate, Ieper.

56. (31) Boudewijn de Sterke[136], to Carolus Wynckius (Ieper). Antwerp, 15 October 1568 [265-67]

My honourable good friend brother Saerles Wynke, pater prior at Ieper, I Boudewijn de Sterke write to you in bonds, sending heartfelt and warm greetings. His health left much to be desired. The cause of my writing is this, dear and beloved father prior, that you would be prepared to humble yourself [to undertake] a small wish which is that you would please assist my brothers and give good counsel. For my lawyer and Geraert van der Cruse have spoken to the margrave and this is his answer: that we should obtain an attestation from the magistrates in order to advise us how we should reply to this, and this must be done quickly. And I desire from the bottom of my heart that on Saturday morning you would also go with my brothers before the magistrates, for the magistrates will do much for your sake and do some eavesdropping[137]as I have been told. It is necessary that they go on Saturday to Antwerp and you will learn from the letter of Gheeraert van der Cruse what the magistrates want. The lawyer and Gheeraert have written a letter to obtain the same attestation and they have advised me to write this letter to you so that you also might go before the magistrates and present this letter. I trust that the magistrates for your sake will immediately give an answer and my brothers will go with you all the bolder. They may write thus [and] I shall base my defence on it. For such happened at Sint Maartens in the cellar where I risked my life because no one dared to go and they sat there as drunk as beasts and I went to drive them out. God knows how I risked my life. Accordingly all this will come to be discussed.

57. (34). Steven van Scoore[138] to Simon de Rupel. Antwerp.  [1568?] [267-68]

He writes with a sad heart. Calleken, your sister, and Maeyken, your sister have been very ill. Despite suffering terribly from dropsy, they bore patiently what the Lord had appointed for them, indeed they took such comfort in the Lord it would have been their sorrow if it had been otherwise unless it were God’s good will. Steven himself had also been ill for four months. But had I not been ill, I would have come from England and not returned to live there. But my wife would leave me because I wanted to stay in Ieper as you, Simon, and my brothers know very well. This is the reason that I was in England and as she’s in no mind to return when I besought her when both [sisters] had recovered. So, consider in what condition I am. For I would have liked to have brought both out of England because I had never been involved [in the Troubles?], as is true. But it was hard for me to leave my wife behind and also your sister Maeiken.

Written in haste at Antwerp, within the city when I, Steven van Scoore, came to act for Boudewijn de Sterke. But I would ask from the bottom of my heart that you would hear from the good magistrates whether my affairs are so difficult that I should not get any pardon.

58. (35) Steven van Scoore to Simon de Rupel . [England?] [1568] [268-70]

He is surprised to have received not a word, not a letter or greeting from him, nor indeed his two sisters who are his flesh and blood. Nevertheless I and your sister also pray sincerely to the living God that he would protect you ... I have heartily implored you that you and all my friends would please think it proper to find out how the matter sits, namely with his violation of the order of banishment.[139] I am surprised that I have been banished because I haven’t done anything apart from simply going to the preachings. You were allowed to go with a sword and dagger. After a place [for holding services] was appointed, without however the consent of the ruwaard[140] of the province, I had never wanted to go to the preachings and never thought of going after it had been forbidden in the provinces of the King of Spain, our dread lord. But now we’re in England, we must do it [go to church?]or we wouldn’t be allowed to reside in the country. But I tell you that there are many people who have fled the country who would want to live in complete obedience to the magistrates. Therefore may God grant it that the magistrates of Ieper do for their burghers what they swore to do.[141]

59. (51). Jan Willemsz. van Utrecht[142] to Lysbeth. Norwich, 14 June [1569][143] [270-72]

Janssen comments that both handwriting and spelling leave much to be desired. Indeed the writer admitted he was not skilled with writing and reading. He mentions an earlier letter sent when he was in Antwerp which the Ieper messenger at Antwerp had received for delivery to her at the market ‘in de Sallem’ (? Zalm).

He begins by telling her how things are in this town at Norwich situated in England. Now I tell you that Tiofelis,[144] Kalvors,[145] and Hermanus[146] our ministers have been in London to settle this dispute which has arisen in Christ’s congregation. I understand that they are now united insofar as it does not again become a scandal.  I hope that the Lord allows that this be revealed among all congregations. So I can tell you that everything is going well in this congregation at Norwich.

 Endorsed: To the honourable Francois Verbecke. [Frans vander Beke] This should be forwarded to Bettgin Blauvoet outside Ieper near Roseliers puuetene.[147]

60. (28). Gilles Navegeer[148] to his Grandmother. Norwich 13 September 1569 [273-74]

He sends friendly greetings to his dear and well-beloved grandmother and friends. He tells her that his father and mother, brothers and sisters are all in good health and that we have been in Norwich for a little less than two years where we live in great tranquillity and quietness and [have] the word of God very abundantly with us so that I and my father and mother wish, if you so pleased, that  you were with us. For we hear of nothing but widespread persecution and great disturbances in our fatherland....

.... So I can tell you that I, Gilles Navegheer, am fit and well, and know that for more than a year and a half I have learned bookbinding [but]as I earned too little ... in [15]69 I have taken up another craft from which, I hope, I will earn more. Further, I can tell you that my eldest sister, Maeyken Navegheer, is with one Pieter Bake of Ieper, who has a brewery at Norwich and she works there. And know, further, that my brother, Willeken Navegeer, is learning to make knives and my father winds the reel for spinning yarn  ...  and my mother does her old work, and my sister, little Maeyken, also winds thread and Sinken spins daily and Gaige went to the Lord in the year [15]69 in the fourth week after Whitsun. We have heard that Pieter Rijckeseis, my mother’s brother, has wretchedly paid with his life, which is to bewail ... will pray to God that he may receive his soul in grace for it’s His will because nothing happens without the Father’s will ... I would ask you warmly to greet heartily the people whose names follow: the names of Nicodemus Navegeer, Jan Rickeseis and his wife ... But they will greet everyone who knows us. May the Lord preserve you.

This letter has been written by Gilles Navegeer on behalf of Nicodemus Navegeer,[149] in haste.

61. (1) Antheunis van den Rijne[150] to Karel Rijckewaert, ‘minister of God’s Word at Norwich’. Dover 30 November 1569.[151]

May the grace and peace of God the Father through our Lord Jesus Christ be with you and all godfearing people

Dearly beloved in the Lord, I commend myself to you and to your wife and other good friends.

May it please you to know that I first received your letter, written on 15 October, on 10 December, when I was in Dover, and I thank you for sending the Tableau.[152] And because several of his [Corro’s] adherents boast much that master Jooris[153]approved this Tableau, which is refuted by this attestation, he was asked to sign the statement which I am sending you here. And because Cabeliau[154]and I had left London since 13 October past we don’t know how things stand in this matter at present and we have spent most of the time since at Dover where we have God’s Word preached in Dutch and French and where we intend, with God’s leave, to spend some time. Your brother-in-law Joorys Questier left for Calais on 29 November and your sister-in-law, the wife of Lambrecht Mouton[155] is staying at the house of the Dutch minister. At Sandwich there’s word that prisoners have escaped at Ieper, but we don’t know for sure. Entrusting you herewith to the cordial salutation of the grace of Almighty God, from Dover on this last day of November. From your well-intentioned friend, Antheunis vanden Rijne.

Address: To the honourable and wise Theophilus Rijckwaerts, minister of God’s Word at Norwich.

Sent through a friend.

Attestation[156] of Georgius Sylvanus sent from Dover to Norwich through Antheunis vanden Rijne to Theoph. Rijckewaert.

While nothing is more certain than death and nothing more uncertain than the hour of one’s death, I daily believe that my last day has dawned on account of the extreme weakness of this body sapped by a long illness. For these reasons I feel especially bound to carry out for the sake of the public what I, on account of my enfeebled health could not do, so that I may safeguard both my good name in future and the consciences of many right-thinking persons, now at ease, so that they may not be disturbed in their rest by being assailed by false rumours after I have died, rumours which even while I still live – I don’t know how - do greatly trouble me. I recall recently, when I lay in bed, a certain Tableau of Antonius Corro, De opera Dei,[157] from which was read aloud some passages which I could not properly understand. Because it had been translated into Dutch, since the author had written it in French, I candidly acknowledged that the translation was here and there suspect. I also recall clearly condemning certain matters written in that book because it seemed to me that, here and there, the author was too daring in attributing to human powers matters that concerned the search for eternal salvation. One article about Christ’s Ascension I remember having then read with approval which I recall having read in Calvin’s Institutio. Perhaps that was the reason why, when that book in the form it had been written by the author, was afterwards examined by the Italian Church,[158] some (as I have heard defenders of Corro) openly boasted in the conferences that I had given my approval to the whole book. By this present statement I utterly deny that this is what happened and I call on the piety and fidelity of all the faithful who examine this writing of mine not to believe that I ever delivered such an unfortunate and premature judgement about the whole work of Corro, because I only saw recently and  superficially what and how it was; I could not know it otherwise on account of my illness. Therefore I would wish that my opinion about it would be made generally known. Moreover, when they gave me this book and read from it, I was not asked either to approve or condemn it and I cannot disguise that I have been dealt with unjustly, if some people on the pretext of my name, have intended to introduce certain strange and novel opinions concerning the doctrine of the Son of God. I forgive them that wrong completely on condition that in future they accept the judgement of the Church on this whole work of Corro. We understand that they are already acquainted with this whole matter.

Executed in London in the presence of the witnesses, who were called for this purpose and whose names appear below. In the year 1569, ... October. By me, Georgius Sylvanus and as witnesses Johannes Cubus, Gisbertus James, Johannes Henricus, Jacob van Miggrode.                         

62. [40] Anthuenis van Ham als Novylle[159] to his mother Weduwe van Maillaert van Ham, living in the ‘Leystrate’ [Leistraat] Werwik /Wervicq.[160] Written at sea 18 April 1572.

[This is a copy.]

Dear and well beloved friends, mother and all who are dear to me. This is to let you know that I am now with the Beggars and serve the Prince of Orange and I am lately lieutenant to Willem van Treslong, God be praised. I hope every day to gain more prizes and honour and to help the lands in peace. Dear mother and friends, remain commended to the Lord. I have asked this man to bring this letter to you in person. Signed Anthuenis van Ham alias Novylle.

Letter brought by Pieter Wicke 26 April 1572.  

63. (65) Lieven Calvaert to the Stranger church at Thetford 20 June 1573.

Beloved brethren, I expected you would have been more dutiful in this time of great necessity. His Excellence writes you again and he is in no doubt but that, even if you elude the hands of men, God will punish your ingratitude severely. On the orders of his Excellence, the lord Boisot was expressly sent to me [to explain] in what necessity his Excellence is and why we’re short of money. This you will understand better from Master Jan Pils, whom I have sent to you on this matter.  I entrust you to the fraternal love and myself to your prayers.

In haste from London, this 20 June 1573.  

This is not the time to make excuses while ‘the army of the Lord is exposed and pours out its blood’.

64. (64) Jan Piels[161] wrote from Norwich 27 June 1573 to the minister, elders & deacons at Thetford

Grace and peace through Jesus Christ

Honourable, most dear and beloved, On behalf of master Lievin Calvaert, envoy of the highborn prince of Orange I have been sent first to those of Colchester, Ipswich, Norwich and Yarmouth to press the stranger congregations there to make good the promise which they made repeatedly for six months to aid His Excellence by maintaining 1000 soldiers, and that for the two months of May and June and also to deliver to the same congregations the letters of his Excellence and sent on behalf of the aforesaid envoy, as I have done with God’s help, and the aforementioned congregations have each given me satisfaction. Since the aforesaid letters to Ipswich and Yarmouth were also addressed to Thetford, I will not fail to send the same to you, asking in so far as you are able, for your part, to share something (as other congregations of our fellow brethren have done) with his aforementioned Excellence of the benefits which God has granted [and] that you do that with all diligence, furthermore that you again send over your excuses to the aforementioned envoy as soon as possible. I would have come to you in person but because my own affairs required haste, and also fearing that I would not receive from you the necessary despatch, I wanted to offer you my excuse, hoping that you will not take it ill, in the meanwhile beseeching that you in all matters will do your best, taking note of the great need of our brethren in our fatherland at this time, to which we, in accordance with Christian love, are bound to give every help and assistance. May the wise God show you his Holy Spirit and dispose all matters to the increase of His Name and the tranquillity of our fatherland. From Norwich on this the 27 June 1573.

I remain your fellow brother and well-disposed friend, Jan Piels

Address: To the honourable and wise brethren, the minister,[162]elders and deacons of the stranger congregation at Thetford.



[1] The letters have been arranged in strictly chronological order and numbered accordingly. The numbering in bold is my number; the one in round brackets refers to the original archive number and those in square brackets give the pagination in Janssen’s source publication in the Bijdragen tot de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis inzonderheid van Zeeuwsch Vlaanderen 2 (Middelburg, 1857), 211-304. So in the case of the first letter, the 1 in bold indicates that this is the earliest letter, the (53) gives the number it had in the Ieper archives and the [297-8] relates to the pagination in Janssen’s article. Sometimes Janssen was uncertain of the transcription and in these cases he inserted a question mark which has been retained. Translations of citations from the original letters are italicised.

[2] This could be either Nieuwpoort in Flanders or its namesake in South Holland.  Given the remarks about Brederode and Vianen, the latter seems more plausible, but this raises the question why it fetched up in Ieper.

[3] i.e. they had subscribed to the Compromise of the Nobility.

[4] This refers to the strengthening of the fortifications of Brederode’s sovereign town of Vianen in the late summer and autumn of 1566, see J.W. te Water, Historie van het verbond en de smeekschriften der nederlandsche edelen 4 vols. (Middelburg, 1776 -96), IV, 325-28.

[5] Carolus Rijckewaert also known as Theophilus appears as Theophilus Ryckevbaert Flander, in Rye, pp. 203, 221. Rijckewaert was originally banished from Ieper in 8 August 1567 by which time he was already in Norwich, see Diegerick, I, 132-3; he and wife Marie Godtschalck both came from Nieuwkerke and were sentenced by the CT 8886 and 5001.

[6]  During 1566 Olivier de Keeuwere had sympathised with the Protestants. He had indeed, as he confessed, sent his son by his first wife to Norwich to lodge with a certain schoolmaster from Mesen who was suspected of being a heretic. On this account he was ordered to be detained until his son had returned, Diegerick, I, 137. De Keeuwere then sought to distance himself from the Protestant party at Ieper and successfully avoided being indicted by the Council of Troubles. This explains the concern expressed in Rijckaert’s letter and De Keeuwere’s decision to tear up this embarrassing letter, Diegerick, IV, 64.

[7] CT 11963.  He had been a member of the Refomed consistory. By trade he was a ‘blue dyer’, Vandamme, p 52. He appears in Rye, p. 207 as Thomas Willemo(t) ‘laneficus’ (‘wool-comber’).  De Keeuwere also tore up this letter, Diegerick, IV, 64.

[8] Probably an abjuration of his evangelical faith.

[9] I Kings 18 v. 21.

[10] Pol de Coene CT 2335. Paulus Coene ‘faber’ ‘timmerman’ with wife and five boys were listed as having come from Flanders in 1567, Rye, p. 203. 

[11] = Jehenne’ CT 6215.

[12] Not traced in CT or De Coussemaker.  Seemingly a fellow Protestant but one who had decided to remain in Ieper.  A certain ‘Anth. Pardieu’ signed the religious accord with Egmont, Diegerick, III, 161.

[13] Janssen read this word as ‘haers’ the meaning of which he suggested was ‘harinks’ or herring. The reference to a barrel renders his suggested reading more plausible.

[14] CT 11467 but not found  in Rye. He had been a prominent member of the Calvinist community in Ieper and he controversially had a child baptised by a Protestant minister, an act which was construed as a breach of  the Accord made by Egmont and the Calvinists. He was still in Ieper on 4 April 1567, Diegerick, I, 93; IV, 7-9. Though this letter purports to be a letter to Clais van Wervekin, Janssen having compared the handwriting and signature on another  letter of Clais van Wervekin, here no.21, concluded both were written by Clais van Wervekin. 

[15] East Friesland and in particular Emden was also a popular destination for Protestants seeking refuge abroad.

[16] The Bamismarkt  was held on 1 October.

[17] Franssone Guisse CT 5126, was another prominent member of the Reformed community in Ieper. He appears in the census of 1568 as ‘Franciscus Guyson’, Rye, p. 209.

[18] Possibly Pierre van Coorenhuuse CT 10248.

[19] The writer asks his wife to bring ‘onse langhe pottgins’ i.e. our tall little pots, though the sense is unclear.

[20] One ‘Maria Sincx’, a widow from Flanders, is listed among the Dutch strangers at Norwich in Rye, p. 203. She arrived in England in 1561.

[21] Not found in either CT, Rye or Diegerick. 

[22] For Pieter de Keerle see CT 2712 and Petrus de Keyle, Rye, p. 216.

[23] Stephen de Mol was banished CT 3124; listed at Norwich in 1568, Rye, p. 214. .

[24] Probably Lenard Teerlinck CT 9704; his wife. Guillemyne was also sentenced CT 5125. Andreas Terlinc and Leonard Terlinc are both listed among Dutch strangers at Norwich, Rye, p. 209. 

[25] Janssen noted that this letter was very difficult to read and he was not certain whether he had read the name aright. No one of this name was indicted by the Council of Troubles, but there was a Clément Buen CT 1032 and he and his wife and child are listed among Dutch Strangers at Norwich in 1568, Rye, p. 202. Also, Diegerick,, IV, 158.

[26] CT 6538. He was a councillor in Ieper and member of consistory, see Vandamme, p. 52; described as ‘merchant’, Rye, p. 207. He had returned to Ieper by 1579 when he the signed the Union of Utrecht on 10 July 1579 on behalf of Ieper. After Ieper surrendered he went into exile in England, perhaps back to Norwich. See Janssen, p. 282; Camerlynck  pp. 91-2. Diegerick, I, 11, 13, 88, 102, 128, 267, 276; II, 69, 71, 120; III, 8, 160, 201, 326; IV, 9, 10, 158, 159, 266.  Jan Langedul may have been related to several Langeduls, also from Ieper, who were prosecuted as Anabaptists in Antwerp in the 1550s,  J. Decavele, De dageraad van de Reformatie in Vlaanderen (Brussels, 1975), 2 vols. I, 507, 529, 535.

[27] This is Thomas Willemot, CT 11963. The spelling Vilgemo arose because, as Janssen, explained p. 301 Ieperlingen often used the ’V’ for ‘W’. He appears in Norwich, see Rye, p. 207.

[28] CT 3525. Though not listed among Dutch Strangers in Norwich, he wrote a letter from Norwich to his son in Ieper, see below no. 18.

[29] CT 9763. Played a prominent role among the Calvinists of Ieper in 1566-67, Camerlynck, 92  appointed a member of the Calvinist magistracy at Ieper in 1578, Janssen, p. 291. In 1560 ‘François Thibaut’ was one of several persons with whom the magistrates of Ieper entered into a contract to introduce the manufacture of light cloth to the town.  As a further inducement they also undertook to build a new dyeworks for dyeing cloth blue and red, I.L.A. Diegerick, Inventaire analytique et chronologique des chartes et documents appartenant aux archives de la ville d’Ypres 7 vols. (Bruges, 1853-68), VI, 129. He did not apparently remain long in Norwich for’Francoys Tybaut’ was listed in 1568 as an alien in London, Returns, I, 386. See also letter 32.

[30] Thomaes Batemen sent 2 letters to his brother Frans Bateman in Ieper by 28 July 1567. These were handed over by Olivier de Keeuwere. but he may not have been indicted for his name does not appear in CT. TB ordered to appear 1 May 1565 charged with heresy, Diegerick, II, 93.

[31] Jan Bateman was a brother of Frans and Thomaes Bateman. His letter concerned commerce in grain. He announced his intention to return to Ieper in early August 1567, Diegerick, IV, 65; appears in 1568 Norwich census as ‘Joannes Bateman Mercator’, Rye, p. 210.

[32] CT 11658. He came with his wife and a baby from Flanders in 1567, Rye, p. 202.

[33] Willem Bricxses did not stay long in Norwich for he seems to have returned to Flanders. On 4 July 1570 he was arrested in northern Flanders, by village officers in pursuit of a gang, who terrorised the countryside. As a result, we know Bricxses made a living as a patternmaker. Both he and his wife came from Ieper where his wife still lived. He also had three sisters there one of whom was married to a cobbler. Bricxses denied any involvement in any troubles and explained that he had left Ieper because of debt at Whitsun 1569. His belongings were sold while he was in Antwerp. Too ashamed to return home, he had travelled to Aachen, Cologne, Wesel, Speyer and Emden earning his living as best he could. Earlier that summer in 1570, he had left Emden and returned to Low Countries via Wesel, travelling with people from Ronse who were fugitives of justice, though he alleged he had not known this until they brought him to Ronse where they fetched weapons to threaten the rural inhabitants. Though he did not like this, he could not get away because he owed them money.  The magistrates wrote their colleagues in Ieper for further information about Willem Brixcss, Diegerick, IV, 279-81.

[34] Probably Franchoys Tybaut, see above letter 10.

[35] The meaning of ‘pensier’ is uncertain. Chris Joby suggested, on the strength of the Woordenboek der Nederlandse Taal, that a ‘pensier’ might have been someone who dispensed food in an institution.

[36] Probably Egidius de Vinck ‘laneficus’ who appears on the list of Dutch strangers at Norwich 1568. He had come with his wife in 1567, Rye, p. 203. Not found in CT.  

[37] Janssen thought this letter had been written in Norwich because it refers to ‘the arrival of Jakes Roliers wife’.

[38] This shipmaster regularly carried letters, money and other items between Ieper and Norwich (via Nieuwpoort and Yarmouth). His name also recurs in letters 14, 16, 17, 38 and 46.

[39] Presumably the names of Norwich taverns.  The King’s Head was a noted tavern in the centre of eighteenth-century Norwich. There is no record of a tavern called ‘The Duke of Norfolk’s Head’ in the sixteenth century, but the ‘Norfolk Tavern’, known from the nineteenth century, might be a successor to some such a drinking house. The Dukes of Norfolk were of course a force to be reckoned with in Norwich politics. I am indebted to Cathy Terry, the curator of the Strangers’ Hall Museum for this information.

[40] CT 8756; listed as Dutch stranger at Norwich 1568 where he was described as Jacobus Rolier, pileorum factor [cap maker]. He came with wife and four boys in 1567, Rye, p. 202.

[41] Marie uuten Dale, wife of Jacques Rollier CT 9997. 

[42] CT 2524

[43] An official noted on this letter ‘It has been seen to exonerate the uncle Pieter van den Broucke’ from any suspicion of heterodoxy.   

[44] Zant means ‘sand’, but Professor Pollmann suggested ‘soil’ as a possible rendering.  Chris Joby observed that ‘zant’ may have come to mind here because it rhymes with ‘lant’.

[45] A paraphrase of Matthew 10 v 37.

[46] 1 Timothy 4 v 3

[47] CT 8388.  He had been an iconoclast, G. Desmarez, ‘Documents relatifs aux excès commis à Ypres par les iconoclasts les 15 et 16 août 1566’, BCRH 7 (1897),  572, 577 ; cited to answer charges on account of his conduct in 1566-67 on 3 June 1567, Diegerick, II, 72.

[48] Mahieu Priem was banished, CT 8472. Matheus Priem appears on the list of Dutch strangers at Norwich in 1568. He had come from Flanders with his wife and 3 young children in 1567. He was described as ‘laneficus’. When the list was drawn up, Priem was listed among those who had not yet made public confession of their faith but regularly attended the services and received instruction in the catechism. He was however recognised as having fled ‘for the sake of religion’, Rye, 216.

[49] Possibly Willem van der Schoore who was thought to be in Norwich in February 1570, A.L.E. Verheyden, 'Une correspondance inédite adressée par des familles protestantes des Pays-Bas à leur coreligionnaires d’Angleterre (11 novembre 1569-25 février 1570)', BCRH 120 (1955), 196.  He may have come from Belle, see CT 10690.

[50] For Jacob Rollier see CT 8756. Described as ‘capmaker’. Was a member of the Ieper consistory and signatory of agreement of 20 September 1566, Vandamme, p. 52; also Diegerick, II, 119, 124; IV, 9.

[51] CT 11801 (and 11826) . Member of the Reformed consistory at Ieper and of college of XXVII there in 1566, , Camerlynck, 92. Diegerick,,I, 8, 9, 12, 13, 72, 77, 92, 102, 119, 121, 151, 239, 267, 276; II, 34, 69, 71, 117, 122, 124-27, 129; III, 318, 326; IV, 9, 65, 79. By trade a ‘vaerwere’, i.e. dyer (IV, 79).

[52] Janssen omitted this letter presumably because it had been published in full by I.L.A. Diegerick, Salomon Faber, poëte yprois. Lettre à Monsier l’abbé Carton’, Annales de la Société d’Émulation de Bruges IX 2nd sér., 1852, pp. 3-12

[53] I am indebted to Brian Sparkes of Southampton University for the translation of the Latin paragraphs in this letter.

[54] Possibly Jacques de Smet, who signed the accord of 20 September 1566, Diegerick, Documents, III, 161.

[55] The meaning of ‘aveipelargus’ is unknown. ‘Pelargus’ might be an uncommon, though not unknown version of ‘pelagus’, sea. 

[56] Evidently she used the chair when attending the open-air services held by the Calvinists in the summer of 1566.

[57] In Latin ‘Obinium Ballivium’. I am indebted to Ludo Vandamme for explaining that the writer was referring to Nicolas Aubyn, the bailiff of the castellany of Ieper.  

[58] Jonkheer Jan van Lichtervelde, seigneur de Baurewaert and ‘raed’, Diergerick, Documents, I, 48, 49, 51; II, 125; III, 81; IV, 109, 127.

[59] The contraction ‘Cls’ is a puzzle. A common phrase is ‘auxilio, consilio et favore’

[60] He was poortbaljuw, or town bailiff, of Ieper.

[61] Possibly refers to Margaret of Parma’s letter of 3 July 1567 to the magistrates of Ieper where she declared that those who have already left the Low Countries will be excluded from any royal pardon for offences committed in 1566, Diegerick, IV, 47-49.

[62] The official who saw this letter underlined this sentence about the minister and scribbled in margin, ‘find out who this Inghel Neckebaert is’.

[63] ‘Passage’ can mean an arcade; perhaps here a dwelling above shops.

[64] See letters 2 and 47.

[65] CT 512. Janssen thought he must have been quite well off on account of the description of his extensive and expensive furniture and tools.

[66] CT 513 and CT 871 Jacquemine Boudre, wife of Jooris Berhout. Georgius Berhoudt faber listed with wife and three children among the Dutch strangers at Norwich 1568, Rye, 204.

[67] He lived in the ‘Auwerstraete’ in Ieper. By 28 July 1567 he had received two letters from his daughter, Diegerick, IV, 65.

[68] Janssen believed he also wrote letter 7. He saw the seal as evidence of Van Wervicke’s high status.  An official noted that ‘the letter refers to commerce in fleeces’ and this tallies with Van Wervicke being a tanner.

[69] CT 2028.  He was a chair maker by trade. Camerlynck, 168. Not found in the list of Dutch strangers at Norwich though a Clara Dathen was listed, Rye, p. 213.  He played a prominent role among the Calvinists at Ieper in 1566 and took part in the image-breaking in the town, G. Desmarez, ‘Documents relatifs aux excès commis à Ypres par  les iconoclasts les 15 et 16 août 1566’,  BCRH 89 (1925),  100, 104, 109.

[70]  CT 1296 Catherine, wife of Josse Dathen.

[71] Janssen wondered whether ‘Typer’ was a place name i.e. t’Yper but since letter 25 (no 54) was written in the same hand and also addressed to Lazarus, Janssen concluded that both were written from England.  Probably ‘Typer’ and ‘Lazarus’ were deliberate mystifications.  The writer was evidently fearful for he wanted the letter destroyed.

[72] Lauwereins de Groote was called up 19 August 1566 to stand watch, Diegerick, II, 98, 99.

[73] Though Norwich no longer has a High Street, the Senior Curator of the Strangers’ Hall Museum, Cathy Terry, was advised by Dr Brian Ayres, the former Norfolk County Archaeologist, that in the 1620s the road from Tombland to Charing Cross was known as the High Street. The Strangers’ Hall faces Charing Cross. Brian Ayres identified the High Street with Charing Cross, St Andrew’s Street and Prince’s Street on the basis of W. Hudson (ed.), The Streets and Lanes of Norwich: A Memoir by J. Kirkpatrick (Norwich, 1889), p. 113 where he says that  ‘The High Streete’ ran from Sherehill or Shering Crosse or Shereman Cross to Tombland.    

[74] I am obliged to Christopher Joby for first making me aware of the significance of ‘master Thomas’ and identifying him with none other than Thomas Sotherton (1523-83), who was mayor of Norwich 1565-66. He owned the Strangers’ Hall.

[75] The tenant was presumably someone of substance. As the property of those sentenced by the Council of Troubles was valued and confiscated, we know that the wealthiest Ieperlingen then in Norwich were Franchois Tybaut., Pieter de Wulf, Jacques Rollier and Jan Langedul, Camerlynck, pp. 165-70. Perhaps it was one of these who rented the Strangers’ Hall. 

[76] Diegerick,I, 267; III, 161.

[77] Anthoine Pardieu signed the religious accord made between the Reformed and Egmont, Diegerick, Documents, III, 161.

[78] A ‘Mahieu Hallinck’ from Meteren was banished CT 5192; Mahieu Hallynck was also in Sandwich by 1573, see Backhouse, II, no. 773.

[79] Possibly the schoolmaster – cum –minister Robert Flameng from Ieper CT 4531. If so, it is the only evidence that he was in Norwich. He was not listed in the Norwich census of 1568, and he was  in Sandwich by 1572, see Backhouse, II, no. 657.  He played a prominent part in the Calvinist movement in Ieper where he, controversially, baptised the child of Clais van Wervekin.

[80] Jan Philipeel was banished from Ieper CT 8170 with his wife Catheryne CT 8171 and CT 1310. A ‘Johannes de Hase’ who was a fuller is listed among the Dutch aliens at Norwich in 1568, Rye, p. 210.

[81] Gilles de Korte was Greffier of Ieper.

[82] As a precaution, the Hoogbaljuw [high bailiff] and magistrates had summoned the guilds because of the dangerous situation and had asked them to remain loyal to Catholic faith and to protect town against any disturbances. 

[83] Probably a meeting of the magistrates with the advisory college of 27 notables.

[84] Signatory to the agreement made on 20 September 1566.

[85] Janssen suggested that the greffier had advised Jan Philipeel to back away from his Protestant commitments and stay in Ieper to protect his property, a course of action Janssen thought reprehensible. 

[86] Schout of Ieper. 

[87] In effect the burgomaster of Ieper.

[88] The entry for Johannes de Hase in the list of Norwich strangers only refers to four children, Rye, p. 210.

[89] Wife of Pieter de Corte was Anna Bouve CT 800/915. She was banished from Ieper, but her husband though described as a leading figure among the Calvinists there, Diegerick, I, 8 seems not have been indicted by the Council of Troubles. His name was also absent from both CT and the census of aliens at Norwich in 1568.  A Pieter de Corte from Ieper was found at Sandwich in 1568 Backhouse, II, no. 485.

[90] CT 11101/ 7105.  Joos van Lomme/ Jehan Looms  signed the religious accord of 20 September 1566, Diegerick, I, 268.

[91] For Clément Buen see CT 1032:  he and his and child are listed among the Dutch Strangers at Norwich in 1568, Rye, 202; also letter 10. .

[92] Carolus Ryckewaert alias Theophilus.

[93]  Probably Victor de le Meere CT 2911 who was indicted by the Council of Troubles on 4 February 1568. 

[94] CT 8858.

[95] A Jacobus Buskine ‘laneficus’ appears with wife, 3 children, 2 servants and maid-servant in the list of Dutch Strangers at Norwich 1568, Rye, p. 209.

[96] Jan Moke signed articles interpreting the religious accord on 23 September 1566, Diegerick, III, 161.  A person of this name from Nieuwkerke was indicted, CT 7688.

[97] See Niclais Wevele CT 11916. He signed the religious accord of 20 September 1568, Diegerick, I, 268; III, 160. 

[98] Franchois Thibaut, son of Christiaens, CT 9763. Member of consistory at Ieper. Signatory of September 1566 accord. Regarded as leading Protestant in Ieper in 1566. Said to be one of the XVIII after 1578. Described as a merchant draper and master blue-dyer in Ieper, L. Vandamme, Hervorming in het Ieperse, p. 52. Wealthiest Calvinist in Ieper, ibid., 90 n 41. For more information see also letter 10.

[99] He died fighting for the rebels in December 1566, Diegerick, I, 13.

[100] CT 2690. He did not appear in the list of Dutch strangers at Norwich in 1568. Signed and confirmed religious accord of  September 1566,  Diegerick, I, 268;  III, 161.

[101] Jan Burchgrave accepted Egmont’s interpretation of religious accord, Diegerick, 161

[102] Both Wulfaert Thevele who was a gardener and his wife, Marie Mes, were indicted by the Council of Troubles, CT 9754 and CT 7566.  A witness alleged in January 1567 that one Tannekin Barbier who lodged with Wulfaert Thevelin had a forbidden book described as the liturgy for the ‘Lord’s Supper after the new fashion’. Wulfaert’s wife had sold this book to Tannekin her god-daughter. Tannekin herself testified that Wulfaert had a psalm book in the vernacular in use at the open-air services. She had learned to read from this book, Diegerick, III, 255-56. 

[103] Nicolas van de Walle signed the religious agreement of 20 September 1566. 

[104] Or perhaps his parents-in-law as he was married to Marie Mes.

[105] Mentioned in letter 10.

[106] This passage suggests that the letter may have been written by a scribe.

[107] The widow of one Jehan Merve was banished CT 7564. Christiaen Maures was listed among the Dutch strangers at Norwich in 1568 who was yet  to make public profession of their faith but who diligently attended services and catechisms classes, Rye, p. 218.

[108] Christiaen Marival had sat in the ‘raad’ in 1566 with Jan Langhedal. Both councillors had attended the  preachings, Diegerick, I, 11

[109] Ollivier Cuvelier banished. CT 1954. On 28 July 1567 he showed several letters from refugees in England, probably Norwich, to the magistrates, Diegerick, IV, 64-5.

[110] Related possibly to Gillis Braem. CT 931. He belonged to a group of Reformed who on 17 August 1566 declared their intention to hold Protestant services, Diegerick, III, 129-31;Gillis [Egidius] was listed in the Norwich census of aliens of 1568, Rye, p. 215.

[111] Not listed among those banished from Ieper, but Lenard Teerlinck and his wife Willemyne were banished, CT 9707and 12010.  Andreas Terlinc and Leonardus Terlinc both appear in the census of Dutch aliens in Norwich in 1568, Rye,  p. 209. 

[112] A ‘Michiel Hessele’ son of François was banished from Belle CT 5434.

[113] Not identified among inhabitants of Ieper in CT or in Rye. But a letter from Tijnken, which urged her sister Callekin to come to England ‘uuter afgodere’, was handed to magistrates by her father Anthonis de Peere who lived in the ‘Elverdyncke straete’ in Ieper. Tijnken was then lodging with Thomaes Bateman, Diegerick, IV, 65. Thomas Bateman had come to England in 1561 and by 1568 was in Norwich, Rye, p. 214. 

[114] Not identified in CT but ‘Joannes Losinger’ and his wife were listed in the census of Dutch aliens at Norwich in 1568. He was not then a professed member of Reformed congregation but he diligently attended services and the catechism, Rye, p. 216.

[115] See number 31.

[116] Chris Joby has told me that Bollen here probably refers to a sort of bowls played especially in the southern Low Countries, see Het Woordenboek der Nederlandse Taal. s.v. bollen. It can also mean either to gossip or to gamble.

[117] CT 11801 and 11826. Leading member of Ieper Protestants; member of college of XXVII raden (Camerlynck, 92); a signatory to the September agreement and,in the capacity of  a deacon, a member of the Reformed consistory, Camerlynck, 106. He was listed among Dutch strangers at Norwich in 1568 as ‘mercator’; Rye, p. 208.  

[118] Schepen and nephew of Adriaen Wallewein, Janssen, p. 252; also ‘lieutenant du souverain-baillu de Flandres’ in the Westkwartier, Diegerick, IV, 183.

[119] In French: mes tout veint apoinct quil peult atendere.

[120] For information on the opposition in Bruges to confiscation see H.Q. Janssen, De kerkhervorming te Brugge, 2 vols. (Rotterdam, 1856), I, 130.

[121] Banished from Ieper, CT 3858; Camerlynck, 146; member of the college of XXVII raden; Camerlynck, 92. One of the richest Calvinists in Ieper, Camerlynck, 165. He was described in the census of Dutch aliens at Norwich in 1568 as ‘nobilis’, Rye,p. 203.

[122] He was a nephew of Pieter de Wulf.

[123] In other words, he waited until Reformed services were permitted under the agreement drawn up by Egmont on 20 September 1566 with the magistrates and the Calvinist community.

[124] In the margin: Jerome, in Paul’s epistle to ... last chapter.

[125] Thomas Willemot.CT  11963. As a deacon he was a member of the consistory, Camerlynk, 106; 154. He signed the accord in September 1566, Diegerick, III, 161. He was still in Ieper on 4 April 1567, Diegerick, IV, 9; he was questioned 28 May 1567, Diegerick, II, 116-120 and cited on 3 June 1567 to answer charges, Diegerick, II, 69,71. He was listed in the 1568 census of Dutch aliens at Norwich, Rye, p. 207.

[126] Member of Ieper magistrates 1566-67. 

[127] CT 11969.  He died on 26 March 1568 as this letter states. Presumably he too had been in Norwich.

[128] See above letter 49.

[129] Janssen suggested he might have been a brother or brother-in-law of Jacob Balde and someone of substance in Ieper. Among the list of Dutch strangers at Norwich in 1568 one finds Christiaen, Jacob and Jan  ‘Baeldes’; Rye, pp. 201, 208, 212.   Cf. Jan Baelde CT 316; Nicolas Baelde CT 317; Christien Baelde CT 361; Jan Buelde CT 1030.

[130] Probably related to Henry Ozeel, who was a member of Reformed consistory in Ieper. He was cited to answer charges, 3 June 1567 and banished, Camerlynk, 148; elder in the consistory 106. He may have come from Stegers/ Estaires. His belongings at Steenwerck were confiscated, Coussemaker , I, 326. For the sentence of Heindrick Oyseel le Vieu see CT 7974. ‘Hendricus  Ozeel’ was listed in the 1568 census of Dutch aliens as  ‘mercator’, Rye,p. 210 .

[131] Later that same day he did write to Pieter van Wijnnezele.

[132] Van Wijnnezele lived at Watou.

[133] The Bierhooft was on the quayside of the Schelde river at Antwerp.

[134] A ‘gemet’ is a land measure somewhat larger than an acre.

[135] Not identified at Sandwich though there were others with similar family name there:  Andreas Vramorth (1796), widow of John Vramotts (1797) and Pieter Vraumbont from Belle (1798). The numbers refer to Marcel Backhouse’s list.

[136] Baudwyn de Sterck was banished, CT 3602 & 3603; Camerlynk, 146. He was put to death at Antwerp on 2 March 1569.  He may once have been a member of the Dominican house at Ieper. He was arrested in Antwerp on his return. May have had Reformed sympathies, see G. Marnef, Antwerpen in Reformatietijd. Ondergronds Protestantisme in een international handelsmetropool, (unpub. doctoraat, Leuven, 1991), II, 270.  His wife Jacquemyne Sbaers [Jacquemyne Sr Vaes] was also banished CT 8978.

[137]  I am indebted to Dr Beele for suggesting that ‘espegysye’ is derived from the old French ‘espigucer’, meaning to spy. He also proposed this elegant translation.  

[138] Stevin van Schooris signed the religious accord at Ieper, Diegerick, I, 267. According to Camerlynck, p. 152 he was banished and his property confiscated, ibid., 165, but he does not appear in CT, though a Hans van Schorre from Ieper was sentenced, CT 10685.

[139]  Though ‘banscuere’ does not appear in either the Middelnederlandsch Woordenboek or the Woordenboek der Nederlandse Taal, the meaning is plain enough. The wife of Charles Vasquez, a rebel nobleman, could not, we are told, succeed to her sister’s estate on account of the bansure, L. Vandamme, ‘Een Edelman uit het Westkwartier in Engeland: Charles Vasquez (1568-1578)’ in: Het beloofde land. Acht opstellen overwerken, geloven en vluchten tijdens de XVIe en XVIIe eeuw (Dikkebus, 1992), 134. 

[140] Probably the governor of the province, i.e. Egmont.

[141] i.e. uphold the privileges presumably those relating to non-confiscation.

[142] Possibly Janssen misread the correspondent’s name. On 28 July 1567 a letter from ‘Jan Willenszone van berecht,’ written from Norwich to Betkin Blaeuvoet , niece of Frans vander Beke, the same person as the addressee here, was handed over to the Ieper magistrates, Diegerick, IV, 64. No one of this name appears in either CT or Rye.

[143] Janssen dated letter to 1569 because a quarrel between the stranger congregations at London and Norwich was settled that year.  The immediate cause of the dispute was the withdrawal of five members of the radical party at London who had opposed the decision of that congregation to condemn the iconoclasm.  

[144] Karel Rijckewaert alias Theophilus.

[145] Janssen suggested Lieven Calvaert.  

[146] Identified by Janssen as Hermannus Modet.

[147] The meaning of ‘Rosaliers puuetene’ is uncertain. I am indebted to Dr. Wilfried Beele who suggested that the original address may have been transcribed incorrectly and that the letter was to be delivered to Bettgin Blauvoet near Roosekins muelene, a mill known to have existed outside the Diksmuide Gate at Ieper.

[149] The illiterate father of Gilles, Nicodemus Nanegeer/ Navegheer was banished CT 5203 and 7815; his wife Catherine CT 1299 and 7816.  Nicodemus was charged with iconoclasm on 3 July 1567, Diegerick, II, 72-73 ; G. Desmarez, ‘Documents relatifs aux excès commis à Ypres par les iconoclasts les 15 et 16 août 1566’, BCRH, 89 (1925), p. 117. He signed the agreement made between Egmont and the Reformed in Ieper in September 1566, Camerlynk, 148. While In Ieper, Nicodemus had earned his living as a tiler, but he appears as ‘laneficus’ in the list of Dutch aliens at Norwich in 1568; he came with his wife and four children in 1567, Rye, 212.  The four children were Gilles, Maeyken, Willeken and ‘clee Maeyken’.

[150] Anthonius van den Rijne came from Oudenaarde. He belonged to the Italian Church in London see Unity in Multiformity, ed. O. Boersma & A.J. Jelsma, (Publications of the Huguenot Society, 59) (s.l., 1997), 247-8, prosopography no. 166. He was sentenced by the Council of Troubles, CT 10477.

[151] See A.P. van Groningen, ‘Twee watergeuzen’, Bijdragen tot de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis inzonderheid van Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen II, pp. 315-320.

[152] The French translation of Corro’s De opera Dei had been printed by Anthonius de Solempne at Norwich 15 July 1569.

[153] Joris Sylvanus was also known as Wybo. In 1569 he was called to serve the Dutch strangers church in London.

[154] Like Van den Rijne Jacques Cabillau came from Oudenaarde and belonged to the Italian Strangers’ church in London, see Unity in Multiformity, ed. O. Boersma & A.J. Jelsma, 219, prosopography no. 44..

[155] Probably one and the same as Lamsin Mottoen/Lamsoen Bottoen, who was a deacon in the Reformed consistory at Ieper,  Vandamme, p. 52; Camerlynck, 106. On 9 April 1567 he, along with other prominent Calvinists in Ieper, informed the magistrates that they had dissolved the consistory, Diegerick, I, 9. He was sentenced in August 1567 before the creation of the Council of Troubles to do penance and pay a stiff fine. In February 1570 he was apparently a prisoner, A.L.E. Verheyden, (ed.)  'Une correspondance inédite addressée par des familles protestantes des Pays-Bas à leurs coreligionnaires d'Angleterre (11 novembre 1569-25 février 1570)', BCRH 120 (1955),  185.

[156] For the original Latin text see A.P. van Groningen., ‘Twee Watergeuzen’, Bijdragen tot de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis in zonderheid in Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen  II, (1859) , 319.

[157] Antonio del Corro, Tableau de l’Œuvre Dieu [Norwich], Anthony de Solomme, 1569. Universal STC, no. 76417.

[158] This relates to the controversy aroused by the Spaniard Antonio del Corro in the Italian strangers’ church in London in 1569-70.  Del Corro refused to sign a confession in which he would have acknowledged as erroneous various propositions made in his Tableau,see Unity in Multiformity, 34-37.

[159] Not identified among Sea Beggars listed by J.C.A. de Meij, De Watergeuzen en de Nederlanden 1568-1572 (Amsterdam-London, 1972),  nor in A.L.E. Verheyden, Le Conseil des Troubles. Liste des condamnés (1567-1573), (Brussels, 1961).

[160] This letter was published by A.P. van Groningen., ‘Twee Watergeuzen’, Bijdragen tot de oudheidkunde en geschiedenis in zonderheid in Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen II, (1859) p. 320.

[161] Perhaps identical with Jehan Pil, le jeusne’ who was cited on 4 February 1568 by the authorities in the Low Countries for having gone into hiding following the Troubles at Ieper, Diegerick, Documents,  IV, 158; CT 8316.  According to the Norwich ‘census’ of 1568 he came to England in 1567 with his wife and son, Rye, p. 218.

[162] The Dutch minister at Thetford in 1573 was probably Carolus Rijckewaert. He had been forced to stand down as a minister in Norwich in 1571.

 

 

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